Thursday, May 31, 2012


One of America's Leading Potters Was an Enslaved African in New York City
And was related to the family of potters who owned him

Colonial American pottery shards from the African Burial Ground in NYC, by Meta F. Janowitz, archaeologist.


By: Pearl Duncan 
NEW YORK, NY

In fine arts, from painting, drawing, sculpture, and even in decorative arts, we have had works misattributed, but usually, they are works from the distant past, and the artists were so prolific and so creative, they labeled some works and not others. But misattribution also happens in art from the recent past, as recently as the American Colonial century, only two hundred years ago. But who knew that misattribution happens not only in identifying artworks, but in identifying and describing the known artist’s race.

Racial misidentification of the artist -- that is what happened to one of America’s earliest, most well-known stoneware pottery makers, who operated a colonial business from 1797 to 1819, whose works have been auctioned by Sotheby’s and other leading auction houses, whose work is showcased in the American wing of the Metropolitan Museum and other museums.

Colonial Americans had a flair for the decorative arts. Some of their utilitarian ceramics, their storage jugs, canning, oyster and pickle jars, crocks and pots were artfully decorated with nature scenes. Their utilitarian pottery, their stoneware, sometimes used on the ships of wealthy merchant clients, are now prized by collectors as decorative arts.

The secret of this artist is a delight to decorative arts collectors. I will reveal the name of the artist who is surprising collectors later in this article. With the upsurge of genealogy, not only as family history but as national, social or artistic history, art researchers are changing what we know about the backgrounds of colonials, and colonial arts. Archaeologists working at building construction sites also reveal exciting new secrets.

The New York City sites that have been upending the new knowledge about American colonial decorative arts are the World Trade Center, the African Burial Ground, Wall Street and the Financial District. These construction sites in olde New York are changing what collectors of decorative arts know about colonial artisans and arts.

New York City, one of the oldest parts of the country, where the Congress first met, where there was a lucrative international maritime port, where the first President was inaugurated, has many buried treasures and secrets. The city’s earliest merchants and social, business and political leaders, who were nobles commissioned and controlled by Dutch and British royals, ran the international maritime shipping trades. They imported much of the decorative arts from Europe and Asia.

Then in the years leading up to, and after the American Revolution in 1776, American colonial artists, artisans and craftsmen created vast numbers of decorative arts in the 18th and 19th centuries. But the art was more primitive. And, specific creators and provenance of this art have not been fully identified, because so much of the history from this era is still buried in the archives and in the ground.

But genealogy and similar research is changing information, not only about families, but about the nation and the arts.

One event that has helped collectors identify specific American colonial decorative arts is the discovery of artifacts at construction and archaeological sites in places such as olde New York, which were the creative and commercial centers of the American Colonies. The work of archaeologists and the discovery of artifacts at building construction sites such as underground at the World Trade Center, at Wall Street and in the Financial District, where the landfills were created on the shores of the Hudson and East Rivers, continues to reveal the provenance of much of America’s decorative, maritime and architectural arts.

Surprisingly, household artifacts discovered at the building construction and archaeological site at the African Burial Ground in Lower Manhattan, north of City Hall Park and Wall Street, now help collectors identify the provenance of American colonial decorative arts. The colonial city was a wealth of arts and crafts. Underground sites reveal how blended the artists and creators were, as they were from a variety of cultures and backgrounds.

This was an era when Wall Street was residential, and merchants and families owned slaves in New York. The streets were lined with mansions, businesses and offices owned by moguls and political leaders, many of whom became the country’s Founding Fathers. In the early centuries, not only was the city controlled by the Dutch and their Dutch West India Trading Company, led by Director-General Peter Stuyvesant, but it was also controlled by royal governors, who were nobles or commissioned military officers selected by the British royals.

Many merchants who settled in the city, whether they were Dutch, British or from other European countries, such as Rhinelanders from Germany, brought with them the creative and decorative arts of their original countries. Other settlers, such as the free and enslaved Africans from many different African countries, Jewish small business owners, and indentured Irish, German and other servants, were the workers and laborers, but they also had their skills and crafts.

So today, a review of Colonial American arts and artifacts in the city, one of the oldest commercial centers in the country, reveals a unique blend of people and cultures who created the nation’s arts.

From the summer of 2010 when half of an 18th-century merchant cargo trading ship was discovered in the foundations of the World Trade center, and again in the summer of 2011 when the other half was uncovered by construction workers and archaeologists, I have researched the ship, her wealthy owner, sea adventures and artifacts.

My historical research identified the ship two weeks after she was first discovered.

The mysterious square-rigged 18th-century World Trade Center merchant cargo ship revealed secret details about America’s history that archaeologists, non-archaeologists and collectors relish.

The mystery to everyone is how and why the 18th-century merchant cargo ship ended up beneath the Hudson River, before parts of the River formed a landfill, becoming the city’s streets and valuable commercial and residential waterfront real estate in the Financial District. So far, the ship has revealed many secrets. Among the military, commercial and household artifacts, the shoes, animal bones, ammunitions, smoking pipes, coins, buttons, there were shards of pottery scattered across the ship’s hull. Tracing this pottery tells us who these colonial New Yorkers were, and how they lived, traveled, created and worked. In the heavy winds that blew ahead of a freak once-in-a-century summer hurricane of 2011, I traced the pottery on the ship, as I’d already traced her other artifacts.

I believed that if a ship can rise from beneath the muddy foundations of buildings and streets from centuries ago, so can art records.

One of the most fascinating artifacts on the ship, among the many items uncovered, was a shard of pottery with a primitive drawing on the pottery fragment. The image on the pottery led me to a major discovery and a secret about the practitioners, creators, artists and merchant clients of Colonial American decorative arts. The drawing on the pottery is an outline of the face and torso of a man, a worker whose head is covered.

I looked at the features of the figure in the drawing -- thick, wide nose and full lips, and I asked my friends if the image in the sketch on the pottery fragment looks like the features of a black man, an African-American.

And, like I had done for the other artifacts described by the archaeologists and conservators, like I had traced the wealthy New York families connected to the timbers from the 1700s, the ammunitions: a cannonball, musket balls, gun pellets, birdshots, buckshots, grapeshots; a British coin, a British soldier’s uniform’s regimental button, and other materials to specific owners and shipyards, I traced the unique pottery fragment, which had a cobalt blue primitive-style sketch of a man’s face. As an author who had done genealogical research in the Colonies and found ancestors in New York, both in early and late 18th century, I knew where to look in the city’s Municipal Archives to find lost pottery makers and pottery importers.

When colonial pottery was found underground on Wall Street, I had written an article about wealthy Colonial New Yorkers like the van Cortlandts and their family crests, imprinted on expensive imported pottery, lost where they lived in New York. But this was different. The ship’s pottery was different from the other colonial pottery that had been uncovered in archaeological excavations in New York. In April, 2011, another team of archaeologists, excavating at a Wall Street construction site, found ceramics and other artifacts in a well under the street.

But unlike the pottery found on the World Trade Center ship, this pottery from the Wall Street excavation was expensive, top-shelf quality colonial ceramics, imported from Europe. Records show that the farm and brewery at the Financial District’s colonial site belonged to generations of the van Cortlandts, Jacobus and Stephanus, prominent New York merchants.

So who were the owners and creators of the primitive pottery found on the World Trade Center ship?

There are layers of ancestors. New York in the 17th and early 18th centuries was Lower Manhattan, New Amsterdam. At the beginning of the 1600s under the Dutch, the Dutch West India Trading Company and Governor Peter Stuyvesant, after the Dutch conquered the Lenape Native Americans, New York State was the New Netherland Colony.

When the British conquered the Dutch in 1664, wealthy Dutch merchants like the Van Cortlandts and British officers and merchants traded internationally, and import their household items from their native countries abroad. The wealthy merchant families who traded with European countries, including England, Holland and France, imported polished pottery, which bore the families’ European and Colonial coats of arms, like the van Cortlandts’ windmills, garlands and stars. The ship’s pottery was different, more primitive. Unlike the polished, imported pottery, the shards have primitive images, not emblems of wealthy families’ coats of arms.

Was the pottery American?

I researched “pottery in colonial New York.” I found that furnaces or kilns for making stoneware pottery were not built in the American Colonies until the later centuries. One of the first kilns was built in New York, at a stoneware factory adjoining the place the colonials called, “The Negroes Burying Place,” today’s African Burial Ground in Lower Manhattan.

A German family from Rhineland, the Crolius-Remmey family, operated kilns or furnaces in the place known as Potter’s Hill near Collect Pond, at today’s New York Foley Square, Tribeca, Chinatown, Canal Street, the Civic Center. Records show that The Corporation of the City of New York operated a furnace at Little Collect Pond, at Chambers Street and Broadway, adjoining the African Burial Ground. So the African Burial Ground was surrounded by a pottery factory on the north and one on the south. Colonial deeds, wills and records reveal much about the city.

Free African-American ancestors owned farms adjoining the African Burial Ground. There was a slave market in the Financial District at Wall and Pearl Streets. The workers in the pottery furnace were slaves and free African-Americans.

So, as a genealogist, the questions I asked myself were, How is it I’d never come across information about the pottery factories before?

I wanted to know if the blue cobalt image on the pottery fragment sketched by an African-American artist at the stoneware factory furnace that manufactured the pottery. I wanted to know if the slaves and free people who worked in New York’s pottery furnaces sketch images of themselves in the glaze, fired on the pottery. The pottery fragments were found on a square-rigged merchant cargo ship, found ten blocks from where the colonial stoneware factory operated. Given that there were so few kilns or furnaces in the American Colonies during this early era, I found that the decorative image on the ship’s shard of pottery must have been slipware pottery from a New York factory furnace, factories owned by three generations of a German family, from the 1700s to the 1800s.

The family’s stoneware factories had the business names, through the years, of Corselius Pottery, Remmey & Crolius Pottery, and in later years, Clarkson Crolius Pottery. They were unique because they were the first stoneware factories, kilns and furnaces in America. The first stoneware kilns built in the Colonies were built in New York early in the 1730s by members of the Crolius family, under the foundation of the house, located at the fifth building from the corner of Centre and Reade Streets in today’s Tribeca in New York City. As a family, they built and operated kilns in this area known as Potters Pump and Potter’s Hill until the 1850s.

The Corselius Pottery stoneware factory furnace was opened by John Remmey in 1735. It became Remmey & Crolius in 1742, and in 1762 it was Clarkson Crolius Pottery. Their pottery, called slipware, was red, brown or buff, with a cream colored, tinted green, blue or pink clay decoration. The slipware color was poured on the pottery through a quill where it dried before it was fired and glazed. The workers in their pottery furnaces, including the city-owned furnace, were African-American slaves, then later they were freemen.

On the factory’s water jugs, cooking pots, vinegar and molasses jugs, pitchers, bowls, plates, primitive line drawings, sketches of men, women, birds, flowers and animals are prominent, just like the image of the Negroid male on pottery shard found on the ship.

But I still wasn’t sure about the image, so I searched. Then, voilĂ . Historians at the Edgefield archaeological site in South Carolina found similar images of African-Americans on Colonial American pottery. The South Carolina pottery factories were later than those in New York, but the historians there said they uncovered that, “Advertisements in local newspapers in the early decades of the 1800s listed enslaved laborers with skills in pottery production.” Their report said, “African Americans most likely participated in all phases of the production process, such as: building and maintaining the kilns; digging and transporting clay; working and grinding raw clay in ‘pug’ mills; chopping wood for fuel; preparing glaze mixtures, tempers, and clay pastes; turning the pottery wheels and shaping the vessels; and loading and unloading the kiln firings.”

These secrets have been recovered.

They are revealing information that is a treasure for art collectors and historians. Newly recovered colonial artifacts, like the shard of pottery found on the ship, survive to remind us of our ancestors’ diversity and creativity. Their stories add to the narratives of Americans and American artists we barely knew.

This story of colonial potters is not unlike stories I found on my own family tree, and stories that exist on many blended family trees in America and other places in the world.

In 2011, historians at the Edgefield archaeological site in South Carolina found distinctive images of African-Americans on Colonial American pottery. The South Carolina pottery factories operated later than those in New York, but the historians said they uncovered reports showing how “Advertisements in local newspapers in the early decades of the 1800s listed enslaved laborers with skills in pottery production.” The archaeological historians reported that, “African Americans most likely participated in all phases of the production process, such as: building and maintaining the kilns; digging and transporting clay; working and grinding raw clay in ‘pug’ mills; chopping wood for fuel; preparing glaze mixtures, tempers, and clay pastes; turning the pottery wheels and shaping the vessels; and loading and unloading the kiln firings.”

This information, lost in the historical narratives, has now been recovered in New York thanks to a ship that resurfaced at the World Trade Center and to other details being uncovered by archaeological researchers and historians. Newly recovered colonial artifacts, like the shards of pottery found on the ship, survive to remind us of diversity and how these ancestors lived, worked and survived. Stories of lost families and lost art and artisans add to the stories about America. They highlight the people, entrepreneurs and heroes of Colonial America we did not know. Finding and embracing this complex diversity and people is one of the rewards of a genealogical perspective of art history.

These lost stories and records point to ancestors and art that are worth remembering and celebrating. Now that we know that the workers in the kilns were free and enslaved Africans in German-owning families, we see the many blue cobalt patterns and images in a new light.

One revelation in the lost art of these colonial families is the pattern called “watch spring” looks identical to the sankofa pattern of the potters of medieval Ghana, West Africa.

Willem Crolius, the New York City potter, from one of the country’s earliest and most important family of potters, in his 1778 will, said he was ill and infirm in Middle Brook in Somerset, New Jersey, so he wanted to free his slaves. He freed his slaves, because he said, “With a proper recognition of the pending struggle of the American people to secure their own freedom,” I “provide that my slaves Tom and wife Venus and their children should be freed.”

This document may now unravel a mystery in American art history. What happened to Tom is a mystery, but there are new clues.

Warren R. Perry and Janet L. Woodruff reported that archaeologists, anthropologists and geneticists who recovered and re-interred the remains of the Africans at the African Burial Ground found “a fragment of kiln furniture” on the lumbar vertebrae of one female. Pottery with similar curved designs was discovered on the bodies, on coffins and in the grave shafts throughout the Burial Ground, about ten blocks from where the World Trade Center ship was uncovered. So the ancestors, descendants, friends and relatives of Tom and Venus who lived, worked and created in New York may be in the African Burial Ground, and may be the secret, underlying one of the country’s most interesting art histories.

Members of the Crolius and Remmey family were the earliest and most influential stoneware potters in early Colonial America. So was Thomas W. Commeraw, who produced masterful pottery in the middle years of the Crolius and Remmey era. He operated a successful pottery factory at Corlears Hook in Lower Manhattan from 1797 to 1819. The ceramic art historian, Brandt Zipp, who has been researching Commeraw and other colonial stoneware artists, operates the Crocker Farm auction house in Maryland.

The auction house will be holding an auction of colonial master potters on July 21st.

Thomas Commeraw’s pottery business worked with The Croliuses and the Remmeys, supplying the world’s wealthiest customers. As noted on the incisions painted on his pottery, his kiln was located at Corlears Hook, New York, a few blocks north of Potters Hill, the pottery center of the Crolius-Remmey family. Commeraw’s business endeavor parallels that of the Crolius and Remmey family, so though some historians have speculated that he competed with them, it is evident now that he worked as a branch of the family’s pottery business.

Art historians who researched European potters say different members in Germany’s Rhineland potters’ families created kilns as branches of a family business in the same locations. They established different family members in businesses with kilns in nearby places. And this was the story in New York and other American Colonies. Georg Corcilius, a Rhineland potter, emigrated to New York City and started a pottery business soon after he arrived in 1718. Johann Wilhelm Crolius emigrated from the Kannenbäckerland, Germany in 1718, changed his name to the Anglicized William Crolius, and started a factory on Potter’s Hill in 1728.

Another Rhineland potter, Johannes Remmi, emigrated from Rhineland in 1731, changed his name to the Anglicized, John Remmey, and started a business on Potter’s Hill in Manhattan in 1735. Crolius and Remmey of Rhineland, created a family business by marrying sisters, the daughters of Georg Corcilius, the first Rhineland potter who built a kiln. John Remmey produced a blue-gray salt-glazed stoneware in his kiln, and William Crolius produced a tan salt-glazed stoneware.

At the beginning of the 1700s, they operated three potteries in the city. By the end of the 1700s, Commeraw, a free African American, also operated a kiln, producing pottery in a similar distinct style. He was a member of America’s earliest potters.

This is breaking news.

He may also have been from an African group skilled in pottery-making. Art historians and genealogists will unravel and reveal much more about the roots, family and artistry of Thomas Commeraw, and the relation to Tom and his wife Venus, the African-Americans noted in William Crolius’ will.

Well, here’s the new news revealing that Thomas Commeraw, the free African American artist, was most likely Tom, William Corlius’ freed, manumitted slave. Or he may have been Tom’s and Venus’ son.

An art historian reviewing the 1810 Census a few years ago found that Thomas Commeraw is African American, not European and French as had been thought because of his name, often misspelled, French style. For all the years that collectors had been collecting, they thought this early master artist, Thomas Commeraw, was European.

In a major antiques magazine, a recent article on American stoneware pottery described the early masters, including William Crolius, John Remmey and David Morgan. The author, described these masterful colonial potters, from 1795 to 1803, and said, David Morgan “worked at Coerlear’s (often spelled ‘Corlears’) Hook Pottery.” He said, for a short time after, he “worked for John Crolius Jr. and later with Thomas Commereau.”

So some art writers still say this potter was French European. In art history, Thomas Commeraw, this colonial artist and potter businessman has been overlooked. The 1909 book, The Pottery and Porcelain of the United States: An Historical Review of American Ceramic Art from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, profiles Crolius and Remmey but does not mention Commeraw or the Corlears Hook Pottery. But as Brandt Zipp revealed, and as my own research into the artifacts from 18th-century merchant cargo ship is uncovering, many different Americans worked and created art and wealth in Early Colonial America. Willem Crolius’ 1778 will revealed that he freed his slave, Tom. Now I ask if Crolius’ slave, Tom, was the stoneware pottery and colonial businessman, Thomas Commeraw, the artist art historians are now identifying as a free African American.

The New York Times in 2011 reported Zipp’s findings, that Commeraw, was an abolitionist and defender of the Colonies in the War of 1812. He emigrated to be a leader in Sierra Leone in West Africa in 1820. The article said, “No one quite knows how he learned his trade and built a business that produced perhaps thousands of pots a year.” So now I also ask if Tom, the slave Crolius freed, manumitted, the slave who must have worked in the Crolius family’s pottery factories, where he learned his trade, was not only Thomas Commeraw or Commeraw’s son, but was related to a Crolius or Remmey family member. His migration and movements, including the closing of his business in 1820, parallels that of the family.

Commeraw is noted in the records as a mulatto. This means he had both African and European ancestors, as other African Americans in the Colonies did. One of Commeraw’s leading customers, as noted by the discovery of oyster jars, was Daniel Johnson (Pratt), a New York colonial oysterman and businessman. He too was a leading Colonial American African American businessman.

One of Commeraw’s distinctive painted blue cobalt images on his pottery is the clamshell design. Samuel Johnson, the first President of King’s College, (Columbia University), may also be related to this African American oysterman. There is much more to be explored about these colonial artists and businessmen. We do not know Thomas’ age when he was freed from slavery. He operated a successful pottery business alongside the Crolius and Remmey family, and supplied jugs, jars, crocks, coolers and other pottery to wealthy merchants who operated international shipping businesses.

The New York merchants were Dutch and British. Commeraw’s stoneware pottery has been discovered in the seaports in Norway and at a Dutch fort in Guyana. So his pottery will be discovered not only in America but in any part of the world, especially seaports, because his pottery and the pottery of other Colonial American masters were storage vessels on ships.

Commeraw’s pottery is unique, because it is distinct from others, though it is quite similar to the Crolius and Remmey family’s for whom he was a slave, and in whose pottery factories he labored. Thomas Coommeraw’s stoneware has distinctive cobalt blue salt-glazed painted floral, spiral, butterfly, swags, dots, bird and human designs. It’s similarity to the Crolius stoneware is obvious. On the Crolius stoneware and a few of Commeraw’s stoneware, a single band of swags in the garland in cobalt blue, is painted across the front of the pottery, circling the neck and base. On other of Commeraw’s stoneware pottery, there are two horizontal columns of swags, or clamshells, facing each other up and down across the front of the jug or crock, creating circles around the artist’s name.

The name, “Commeraw Stoneware” dominates the front of the pottery. And outside the garlands, the name has grapes, flowers, where the cobalt blue paint says, “Corlears Hook, New York.” This extended family of potters, which included William Crolius, born Willem in New York City in 1731, who died in Somerset, New Jersey, and his brother, John, born Johannes in 1733, and their brothers Peter, born 1736 and George, born 1738, created great art.

They did business in the city on Potter’s Hill until 1849. Potter’s Hill where the potters flourished was demolished and gentrified in 1812. John Remmey, who married, Anna, died in 1762, and his son, John Remmey, 2nd also did business on Potter’s Hill. Then, John Remmey, 3rd and Henry Remmey ran the business as partners in 1790, two years before their father died. Henry left the business and the city in 1794 under a cloud of business, financial and political improprieties. But John Remmey, 3rd remained on Potter’s Hill and in city politics until he closed the pottery in 1831, before he died in 1839.

One of Remmey’s great-grandsons, Joseph Henry Remmey, founded a pottery in South Amboy, New Jersey in 1820 and operated the business until 1833.
Another great-grandson, Henry Remmey, settled in Philadelphia about 1810 and operated kilns in Philadelphia and Baltimore. He operated in Baltimore until 1835 and Philadelphia until 1870. Richard Remmey operated a kiln in Philadelphia until the late 19th century. William Crolius, who married the potter’s daughter, Veronica, operated the pottery with his brother and partner, Peter. He headed a multigenerational line of potters, which included five William Croliuses, five John Croliuses, Peter Crolius, and Clarkson Crolius, Sr., and Jr. Clarkson Crolius, Sr. operated a kiln on Potter’s Hill from 1790 to 1830, and Carlson Crolius, Jr., from 1830 to 1850, before he retired in 1870.

The women’s families were also important in this history. The Clarkson on the family tree is from Maria Carlson, who married John Crolius. Another major pottery name is from William Crolius’ grandson, John, who married Jane Morgan. David Morgan in New York and later James Morgan in New Jersey ran major potteries. Stoneware was all in the family.

A year before his death in 1843, Clarkson Crolius, Sr. wrote about the first stoneware kiln or furnace built in the country, and said it was built in New York City in “1730 or thereabouts.” He described the kiln and included a drawing. He wrote, “The lower part or arches are under the foundation of the house on the 5th lot from the corner of Centre and Reade Streets; the house is 17 feet wide. It was first called Corselius’ Pottery, afterwards Crolius’s Pottery; what was called Potters Pump, celebrated for the purity of its water, was taken into the large well now used by the Manhattan Company for City purposes; it was at the foot of the hill called Potters Hill.” He knew the area very well, as one of the officials who created today’s City Hall Park, which at the time they called, “The Fields.”

Today, Potters Hill is on the edge of Tribeca, but at the time, it was outside the city limits, which was then at Fulton Street, called Partition Street. Much of the Crolius pottery that’s collected today is from Clarkson Crolius, Sr, William Crolius’ grandson, born in 1774 and his great-grandson, Carlson Crolius, Jr, born in 1801.

Clarkson Street in Greenwich Village bears the family name. It was named for Matthew Clarkson, a General in the American Revolutionary War, who became a State University of New York regent, an abolitionist politician, President of New York Hospital (where my Scottish ancestor was once hospitalized), Director of the New York Manufacturing Society, and President of the Bank of New York, formed by Alexander Hamilton, so some family members were abolitionists. In the end, fifteen potters, including the founding Rhineland emigrant potter’s great-grandson, Clarkson Crolius, Jr., practiced from 1728 to 1870.

Much of the Crolius tan or light grey pottery that is collected today is signed, “C. Crolius Manufacturer Manhattan-Wells New-York.” Some of the family’s early unmarked pottery, unfortunately, is sometimes mislabeled, imported English stoneware. Other examples of their pottery is stamped, “C. Crolius Manufacturer New-York.

The family’s productivity, creativity and prominence improved and flourished in the years leading up to the War of 1812, because of embargoed European imported goods. Their New York potteries increased production and quality, but then they closed some of their New York potteries in 1820 as the family’s potters migrated again, between 1810 and 1820. Crolius and Remmey salt-glazed stoneware pottery is a light mustard grey or tan, decorated with cobalt-blue flowers or garlands. Thomas Commeraw’s pottery also has flowers and garlands, but also has the distinctive clamshell cobalt patterns.

With the new-found research and genealogical details, the artist Thomas Commeraw will be revisited as a member of the extended Crolius-Remmey-Carlson-Morgan family. Corlears Hook Pottery on the East River was in an active shipping area. Maps and records show the “pot-baker’s” property among the houses and businesses adjoining Nicholas Bayard’s estate on Bayard’ Hill, the “High Ground” on the East River at Corlears Hook. Like the modern landfill at the Trade Center on the Hudson River on the west side of Wall Street, Corlears Hook became a colonial landfill at the end of Lower Manhattan’s Cherry Street on the River. Thomas Commeraw’s pottery factory was on the waterfront.

So it is apt that stoneware pottery crafted by his ancestors and related artists is found on an 18th-century merchant cargo colonial ship.

The story of New York’s stoneware artists is changing collectors’ behavior.

On October 13, Brandt and Mark Zipp will discuss Manhattan stoneware at the Gunn Historical Museum in Washington, Connecticut. The auctioneer-historians will feature four master potters and their works -- Clarkson Crolius, Thomas W. Commeraw, Henry Remmey and John Remmey, 3rd, then they will appraise participants’ Colonial American stoneware. Ceramic art historian Brandt Zipp is writing a book about these colonials. He may have discovered other secrets.

It is very rare to find American stoneware pottery from the 1700s and early 1800s. When we find their artworks, they are in high-end art auctions, or in museums. This is a find. Art events for collectors The Gunn Memorial Museum in Connecticut showcases seminars and exhibits about New York’s colonial art, and interestingly, these events are related to the artifacts discovered on the World Trade Center ship.

Archaeological Evidence of Early Stoneware in New York City is the subject of a lecture by Dr. Meta Janowitz, an archaeologist from New York’s African Burial Ground Project. Art from the Earth: Early American Stoneware, an exhibit, features more than one hundred works of decorated stoneware, from 1780 to 1880. This exhibit is on display from May through October 14, 2012. Manhattan Stoneware, 1795-1820, will be a lecture by Brandt and Mark Zipp of Crocker Farm Auctions. On Saturday, October 13th at 10:00 a.m, they will lecture and do a free appraisal of visitors’ stoneware and redware.

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Pearl Duncan A New York author who researched and found ancestors who were African rebel slaves plus nobles related to British royals, is completing a book about her American genealogy, cultural history, DNA, family nicknames and folklore she traced to Colonial African Americans, Caribbeans, Europeans and Africans. She is also completing another book about the name, identity, colonial owner and seas adventures of the 18th-century World Trade Center cargo ship.

More Information: http://www.artdaily.org/index.asp?int_sec=11&int_new=55726[/url]
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Tuesday, May 08, 2012


  SOUL IS HEAVY
Powerful Nigerian NeoSoul/HipHop
 from Sista Nneka

 It's been a while since we have heard any new music from Nigerian-German singer-songwriter Nneka, but that is all set to change as she prepares the release of her new album titled "Soul Is Heavy" in September. She has just released her video for the lead single,which is the title track "Soul Is Heavy", it`s a heartfelt song which is so genuine in its delivery. The bright video grabs your attention as Nneka sings emotionally about Nigeria and name checks some of its important socio-political figures including Jaja of Opobo and Isaac Boro.

Saturday, April 21, 2012

ALEC: The Killer Corporate Arm of US Capitalism

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ALEC: Controversial Policy Group Casts Long K-12 Shadow

By Andrew Ujifusa
edweek.org

In nearly 40 years of legislative advocacy, the American Legislative Exchange Council—a free-market, limited-government group now drawing intense scrutiny for its support of a controversial self-defense law—has had a significant influence in K-12 education through its model legislation and work with state lawmakers to promote such policies as private school vouchers and "parent trigger" laws.

"Education is one of the most important issues that we deal with in ALEC. ... We've been very busy in that field," said Indiana state Rep. David Frizzell, a Republican and the national chairman of the Washington-based group, which boasts some 2,000 state legislator members and nearly 300 corporate and nonprofit financial supporters.

Now, liberal-leaning groups and other opponents see a chance to trim its influence. Their opening: ALEC's role in promoting "Stand Your Ground" laws on self-defense, the center of debate after a Florida teenager's shooting death.

ALEC opponents argue that in education and other areas, the group undermines states' democratic process by letting corporate lobbyists vote on model legislation through vacation-type conferences attended by lawmakers who then use that legislation to shape their own bills.

"The ALEC method, or the ALEC game plan, literally turns these legislators into super-lobbyists," said Doug Clopp, the deputy director of programs for Common Cause, a Washington-based advocacy group for open government.

The reality is far different, according to Adam Peshek, the director of ALEC's education task force. He said a large part of ALEC's role is to be a policy clearinghouse, channeling ideas from a particular state or individual to other states, in legislative form. The group says close to 1,000 bills each year based at least in part on its model legislation are introduced in statehouses, and that an average of about 20 percent become law.

"We're pretty good at getting stuff on the cusp of when they're new and innovative ideas," said Mr. Peshek.

At the same time, ALEC officials argue it is just one policy group attempting to promote education policies that are especially popular in conservative and free-market circles.

Decades of Work

ALEC, which began in 1973, says it works to advance free-market policies that limit the role of government.

The group, which according to recent tax filings had about $7.2 million in revenues in 2011 and 35 employees, includes state legislators and representatives from various corporations that provide ALEC with funding, such as Johnson & Johnson, Wal-Mart, AT&T, and Koch Cos. Public Sector.

The group is split into task forces co-chaired by public- and private-sector representatives that develop model legislation.

The education task force, for example, has as its public-sector chairman Georgia state Rep. David Casas, and as its private-sector chairwoman Mickey Revenaugh, a co-founder and executive vice president of Baltimore-based Connections Academy, which operates online classes in numerous states. Neither had responded to a request for comment as of press time.

Those task forces approve model legislation for lawmakers to use as they see fit in their states. The task forces meet as one, but the public-sector and private-sector members each have separate vote tallies for resolutions and model legislation.

Over the years, ALEC has crafted legislation on such policies as charter schools, alternative certification for teachers, parent-trigger laws, and vouchers for special-needs children. Those who have worked with ALEC highlight its role in prominent legislation, such as parent-trigger bills, but also say it is often difficult to ascribe a powerful policy idea or all of its progress in a particular state to just one group.

The group also publishes a "Report Card on American Education" that grades state education policies based on the strength of their charter school and home-schooling laws, as well as their policies about identifying and retaining effective teachers and whether they provide students with strong private-school-choice options.

The group's opponents take sharp aim at what they see as the outsize influence of its model legislation.

"From my perspective, the increased attention on ALEC is making it easier to share that story about ALEC's broader agenda, including its efforts to ... take money out of public schools and put it into private education corporations," said Lisa Graves, the executive director of the Center for Media and Democracy, based in Madison, Wis.

Her group's ALEC Exposed website lists 69 model education bills and resolutions dealing with issues including private tax-credit scholarships and virtual education.

Mr. Frizzell, ALEC's national chairman, rejects the idea that state lawmakers would be pressured to adopt the model legislation. "We never have a follow-up and say, 'Well, you've got to pass that' or anything like that," he said.

Parent-Trigger Example

On a variety of education issues, ALEC has been either a prime policy influence or part of a constellation of groups pushing a particular policy agenda.

One idea that gained vital strength in part through ALEC's involvement, but which did not originate with the group, is parent-trigger legislation. Such laws typically allow a school to be restructured or turned into a charter facility if a certain percentage of student parents vote to do so.

The history of such laws also illustrates how an idea was cross-pollinated—from a veteran player in Democratic politics to conservative policy analysts, to ALEC, to state lawmakers, and finally to laws put on the books.

Bruno Behrend, the director of the Center for Transforming Education at the Heartland Institute, a conservative Chicago think tank, said Heartland first picked up the idea when Heartland's president and chief executive officer, Joseph Bast, met liberal activist Ben Austin in California in early 2010 and was captivated by Mr. Austin's description of the parent-trigger concept. (The law passed in California that year.)

Mr. Austin is the executive director of Parent Revolution, which pushes parent-trigger laws. (The group receives funding from the Walton Family Foundation, which also helps support Education Week's coverage of parent-empowerment issues.)

"We loved the idea, that it was coming from someone on the progressive side of the aisle," said Mr. Behrend.

Mr. Bast brought the idea back to Heartland, which put together a policy proposal centered on a parent trigger. Heartland then presented the proposal to ALEC, which in turn created model legislation for a parent-trigger law, Mr. Behrend recalled. He said that model bill, sometimes with variations, ended up appearing in about 10 to 15 states.

Besides California, where the parent trigger originated, and Connecticut, which passed a law in early 2010, five states had passed parent-trigger laws in various forms between January 2011, when ALEC approved model parent-trigger legislation, and February of this year, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. More than 20 have considered such laws. (Louisiana subsequently adopted a parent-trigger in this month.)

"We hope that we were instrumental in getting legislation passed," Mr. Peshek said.

But the states that have passed such laws haven't necessarily used ALEC's language, or all of its proposals.

For example, the ALEC bill lists the options as converting the school into a charter or putting it under an education management organization, closing the school, or supplying students at a school with a tuition voucher. Some states where parent-trigger laws have passed, such as Indiana and Mississippi, only allow a conversion to a charter school, while others turn the school over to the state. Ohio's bill, which applies only to its Columbus schools, allows for "any other major restructuring."

Like the ALEC model bill, the parent-trigger laws on the books in Indiana and Texas don't require public hearings, while Mississippi follows the ALEC model in not specifically allowing a local school board any authority over how a school is changed.

On the other hand, The Star-Ledger of Newark, N.J., reported this month that a New Jersey parent-trigger bill from an ALEC member contained a provision that almost exactly mirrored ALEC's funding levels for vouchers, as well as the same timeline for the parents' requested conversion to be implemented.

Legislation on Choice

In Indiana, meanwhile, the latest charter school law, passed in 2011, shares some language with the "Next Generation Charter Schools Act," which is ALEC model legislation posted by the Washington-based Center for Education Reform on its website.

For example, the model bill outlines the creation of charter school authorizers such as the board of trustees of a two- or four-year institution of higher education, or a public charter school state board with members selected by the governor.

Both proposals are included in Indiana's 2011 charter law, which was co-sponsored by the chairman of the education committee of the state House, Rep. Robert Behning, a Republican.

"I am certain that some of that information from ALEC filtered into Indiana as well," Mr. Frizzell said, referring to its charter school and school choice polices.

But he denied that Behning simply introduced ALEC model bills as proposed legislation.

In terms of legislative genealogy, Florida can ultimately claim credit for about six or seven model ALEC bills on issues such as 3rd grade retention, alternative teaching certification, and virtual education, Mr. Peshek said. They followed in the footsteps of various K-12 measures under former Gov. Jeb Bush, a Republican, who pushes the same proposals through his own nonprofit, the Foundation for Excellence in Education.

ALEC's "report card" on education this year was written by staff members of Mr. Bush's foundation and the Goldwater Institute, a Phoenix-based think tank, while its foreword is by Republican Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana.

Mr. Frizzell argued it would be "silly" for pro-business lawmakers to introduce pro-business legislation without consulting businesses. But he also said that ALEC members representing education companies, such as Ms. Revenaugh's, did not have carte blanche concerning ALEC's education agenda, since ALEC's board of directors, consisting only of state legislators, has final say on model bills approved by task forces.

'Stand Your Ground'

ALEC has received a new level of exposure in recent weeks for its model "Stand Your Ground" legislation, which permits people to use force in self-defense if they have reason to believe they are being threatened, without a duty to retreat first. Such laws have become a central point of contention in the fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in Sanford, Fla., in February.

Efforts by liberal groups such as Color of Change to force corporate backers of ALEC to withdraw support with threats of boycotts have been followed by decisions by numerous companies, such as Coca-Cola, Intuit, and McDonald's, to sever their ALEC ties.

Meanwhile, the Seattle-based Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which currently provides grant money to ALEC, said it will not make future grants to the group, although it will not stop payment of its current $376,000 grant to help educate legislators on more "efficient" budget approaches and on evaluating teachers based on student achievement. The grant was given in November and runs for a year and 10 months.

Chris Williams, a Gates Foundation spokesman, did not say that ALEC's association with "Stand Your Ground" laws led directly to Gates' decision not to make future grants. "The environment ... is no longer conducive to working together," Mr. Williams said.

The Indianapolis-based Lumina Foundation, which focuses on higher education achievement, has not decided if it will award future grants to ALEC, after awarding two grants totaling $595,000, including one that expires May 31, a spokeswoman said.

(The Gates and Lumina foundations also provide grant support for Education Week.)

Philosophical Partners

Regardless of its influence, ALEC is far from the only way to spread ideas from and between conservative policy shops.

Jonathan Butcher, the education director at the Goldwater Institute, noted that New Hampshire officials talked with the institute several times about implementing tax-credit scholarships.

In terms of other groups that influence policy, he cited the State Policy Network, an association of about 60 policy-research institutes and centers that push for "market-friendly public policy at the state and local levels." ALEC is also listed as one of dozens of separate "associate members" in the network.

But Ed Muir, a deputy director of research at the American Federation of Teachers, called ALEC the "spearpoint" of a larger conservative policy network. Combined with ALEC's position on immigration and taxes, Mr. Muir argued, "the macro effect is anti-child."

Paul Peterson, the director of the Program on Education Policy and Governance at Harvard University, who is also editor-in-chief of Education Next, a journal that publishes research and opinion on education issues, said ALEC is ultimately just part of the "pluralist heaven" of the American political process.

Mr. Peterson, whose journal has published articles supporting school vouchers and charters, sees ALEC as part of a wide spectrum that includes teachers serving in state legislatures and the deep influence unions exert on some lawmakers.

"I don't see anything here that is not totally pervasive in American politics," Mr. Peterson said.

Denise Roth Barber, the managing director of the Helena, Mont.-based National Institute on Money in State Politics, said that "in a way, ALEC exists because of the vacuum of citizen involvement." The group also has some ideological counterweights, she said, among them the Progressive States Network, based in New York City.

But the deep pockets of ALEC's member corporations instill more fear among liberals, she said.

Controversy over the group continues—with some impact. On April 17, ALEC announced it would shutter its task force on public safety and elections, which had produced model "Stand Your Ground" legislation.

But speaking of a possible broader outcry against ALEC education priorities, Mr. Peshek, the group's education task force director, said: "The only thing we can do is keep going out there and keep doing what we're doing. I think it will go away."
======================== 

Friday, April 20, 2012

In The Name of "AntiRacism," Horrible Racism Continues- Swedish Style

 The body screams every time someone slices a piece.
Culture Minister Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth (right) opened a party last Saturday by slicing a piece of this cake.
Faksimil: Pontus Raud/Youtube. Photo: Jenny Nell Culture Minister Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth (right) opened a party last Saturday by slicing a piece of this cake.

Shocking photos show Swedish Minister of Culture celebrating with ”n*g*er cake”

17 april 2012
 
STOCKHOLM (FRIA TIDER). A macabre scene with racist undertones took place on Saturday when Swedish minister of culture Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth attended a tax funded party for the Stockholm cultural elite. The self-proclaimed "anti-racist" Liljeroth declared the party officially started by slicing a piece of a cake depicting a stereotypical African woman.

Photos from the party at World Art Day have already been released on Facebook and are now going viral in social media.

The shocking photos show several established left-wing members of the Stockholm cultural elite watching and laughing as Minister of Culture Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth slices a cake depicting a black African woman with minstrel-esque face.

Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth was invited to open the festivities by performing a clitoridectomy on the cake, which she did by slicing off the part of the cake depicting female genitalia. She then proceeded to feed that part of the cake to a performance artist, done up in blackface, his head protruding through the table.
 
The events that unfolded at the party stand in stark contrast to Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth’s official political posititions. Publicly she advocates a strict hard-line approach against racism. When in 2010 the Swedish nationalist newspaper Nationell Idag managed to acquire enough subscribers to qualify for state-funded press subsidies she immediately took action to change the country’s press subsidy laws.

- It is distasteful to support extremist newspapers, Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth was quoted as saying in the government publication Riksdag & Departement, promising measures to deprive newspapers with ”racist” content of press subsidies.

- Although this is a question of freedom of expression, we dont want taxpayers’ money to support this form of media, she further noted.

Why government funds should be used to pay for cakes such as the one served last weekend, has yet to be explained by Liljeroth.
 ----------------------

Crazy Talk: 'Racist Circumcision' Cake

Created 04/17/2012 

Kitimbwa Sabuni, spokesperson for the National Afro-Swedish Association, probably said it best when he described this incident to a Swedish paper as a "racist spectacle."

Sweden's minister of culture, Adelsohn Liljeroth, participated in an art installation that took place at Stockholm's Moderna Museet [12] in connection with World Art Day on April 15.

The Local reports that as part of the event, which was reportedly meant to highlight the issue of female circumcision, Liljeroth began cutting a large cake shaped like a black woman, symbolically starting at the clitoris, in a ceremony that has sparked outrage and prompted calls for her dismissal.

"According to the Moderna Museet, the 'cake party' was meant to problematize female circumcision, but how that is accomplished through a cake representing a racist caricature of a black woman complete with 'black face' is unclear," Sabuni said in a statement. He went on to say that the mere fact that the minister participated in the event, which he argued was also marked by "cannibalistic" overtones, betrays her "incompetence and lack of judgment." "Her participation, as she laughs, drinks and eats cake, merely adds to the insult against people who suffer from racist taunts and against women affected by circumcision," he added.

Liljeroth reportedly defended her actions, saying, "I understand quite well that this is provocative and that it was a rather bizarre situation."

"Bizarre" would be an understatement. You have to see -- and hear -- the footage of this horrifying "cake party" to believe it.
---------------------------------

Afro-Swedish Artist Makode AJ Linde Claims His "Clitoridectomy Cake" is an AntiRacist Artwork!


This is supposedly an anti-racist work of art from the Afro-Swedish artist Makode AJ Linde. The installation was presented in connection with World Art Day, arranged by KRO and IAA at the Museum of Modern art in Sweden.
Here is an article in which Makode AJ Linde explains his art and the background to this artwork.

Controversial Afro-Swedish Artist Speaks, "It's a Disturbing Picture But It's Also a Disturbing Subject"

A photo of the Swedish minister feeding the artist some of the cake (image via friatider.se via Facebook)

In the last few days, Afro-Swedish artist Makode Linde has learned the power of the viral web.

His controversial cake performance at Stockholm’s Moderna Museet has ricocheted around the world and has garnered reactions of all types from support of his edgy gesture to raise awareness about female genital mutilation to the denunciation of the artist and the Swedish culture minister pictured in the event photos as racists. Linde spoke to Hyperallergic about the controversy and he was happy to explain the context for the piece and how commenters have not wanted to delve deeper into the work and what it has to say.
Artist Makode Linde speaking to Al Jazeera via Skype (via aljazeera.com)

As one of the only Afro-Swedish artists it is perhaps no surprise that Linde has made race a central focus of his body of work. His Afromantics series, which began in 2004, totals roughly 700 sculptures. In Afromantics, his best known works, Linde paints black face on Western cultural icons. They are obviously about identity but with a shadowy sense of humor that feel discomforting in their absurdity. As one Swedish newspaper put it in 2009, “Linde Questions With Humor.”

“Within my art I try to raise a discussion and awareness about black identity and the diversity of it,” Linde says. “The [recent] discussions [about my cake piece] have been mostly if I or the culture minister are racist or not. I think it is a shallow analysis of the work. It’s easy to take any image and put it in the wrong context.”

Linde’s cake was one of five artist cakes — the others were by Peter Johansson, Lisa Jonasson, Marianne Lindberg De Geer and Galleri Syster — that doubled as an art installation at an event last Sunday which marked the 75th anniversary of the Swedish Artists Federation at Stockholm’s Moderna Museeet. It was his first showing at the famed modern art museum and he decided to build on his Afromantics series, which he describes as taking “mass cultural symbols … and then I give them a new black life by giving them black face. In the process robbing them of their original identity.”

“You can’t see the identity of the individual representations when you see them all together in blackface,” he says about the usual reactions he gets when he exhibits a grouping of his Afromantics sculptures. “You rob them of something and you force them to be something else.”

The artist is happy with the Modern Museet performance, which he says “went off the exact way I wanted it.” He explains that the Swedish culture minister’s presence was only announced to the artist 20 minutes before the event began but he was supportive of the idea of her cutting his cake, which featured him as the head. He thinks the images of his work can stand alone but her presence added a powerful element. He doesn’t understand the fixation that commenters have on the white figures all around and he seems legitimately surprised by the aggressiveness of commenters towards the audience. “I think it is wrong to call it racist because they are white women and I’m the only black person there,” he says.
A view of the cake after party goers took a piece. (via the artist's Facebook page)

The whole incident raises questions about cultural identity and the internet. In Sweden, Linde says, the project was mostly understood in the art world context it was performed. “In Stockholm, where I am from, the art world knows [about my work]. Ninety-nine percent of my pieces have a anti-racist context,” he says. ”I’m the first one to admit that it’s a disturbing picture but it’s also a disturbing subject. One of the main roles of art is to talk about these things and make people confront them in themselves.”

He says he was conscious of how it was presented and he worked on figuring out ways that will allow more people to see the image and how it will be transmitted to a bigger audience. He doesn’t appear to have been prepared for the online outcry.

Linde made an active decision to change the form of a polite cake ceremony into one that would generate awareness and discussion. “I wanted to change the form of what was going on and scream, react and beg for mercy,” he says.

The cake was created based on African fertility symbolism and he thinks he was able to convey the strength of the emotions. “Some people actually get it when I explain and show my other work. People try to lecture me on the history of blackface, I’m very aware of where it comes from. People seem to think I am unaware of postcolonialism but I’m facing the issue every day,” he says. “I think this issue is very different when you live in Stockholm versus in New York. There aren’t that many Afro-Scandinavian artists and it is important that people talk about this.”

Linde doesn’t understand the reaction of the African Swedish National Association, which has asked the Swedish Culture Minister to resign. Linde says the group made no attempt to talk to him about the work and were very disinterested in what he had to say as an Afro-Swede. “I invited them to my studio to have a talk and show my art. They were not interested in having a dialogue with me,” he says. “When I met one person from the group [on another occasion] he said he was not interested. I asked him if he knew any Afro-Swedish artists, and he said ‘no,’ and then I asked ‘Why aren’t you interested in the one and only Afro-Swedish artist?’”
Some works form Linde's "Afromantics" series (via urbanlife.se)

Linde’s dilemma with the cultural group should sound familiar to anyone who is part of cultural community whose spokespeople are often the most conservative and socially rigid flag bearers of a community. Often these cultural groups represent a smaller swathe of their communities than they claim to and they consider any examination or challenge of their cultural traditions as an attack.
The artist says the performance made him feel very vulnerable but he also considers the cake a sculpture much like the other works in his Afromantics series. He doesn’t think the Swedish cultural minister should resign. “She did nothing wrong, she was cool and she went for it,” he says. “She is strongly opinionated against racism. She seemed aware the kind of attention this would generate.”
Minister Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth released a strongly worded statement about the performance that clearly said, “Art must be allowed to provoke.” It goes on to say:
Our national cultural policy assumes that culture shall be an independent force based on the freedom of expression. Art must therefore be allowed room to provoke and pose uncomfortable questions. As I emphasised in my speech on Sunday, it is therefore imperative that we defend freedom of expression and freedom of art —even when it causes offence.
I am the first to agree that Makode Linde’s piece is highly provocative since it deliberately reflects a rasist [sic] stereotype. But the actual intent of the piece — and Makode Linde’s artistry — is to challenge the traditional image of racism, abuse and oppression through provocation. While the symbolism in the piece is despicable, it is unfortunate and highly regrettable that the presentation has been interpreted as an expression of racism by some. The artistic intent was the exact opposite.
In our interview, the artist sounded a little confused by the online outrage. “If people can get this upset from a woman cutting a cake, can’t they use that energy towards the real battle towards female genital multilation,” he says. “I do understand it is a serious subject and when you mix a serious subject with a light topic like cake people can get upset, but I like humor in my work because [the topics are] depressing and something I have to deal with everyday. People drop their defenses when they can joke about something.”

He also explained that he often infuses his work with a strain of Swedish humor that is very dark and cynical. “From my point of view this humor is a way to cope with horrible facts,” he says. “When I’m trying to tell my friends stories of horrible things I often use some humor to make it palatable.” He says Swedes, though he points out he doesn’t claim to speak for all Swedes, don’t like to take themselves too seriously.

Aside from the racial politics of his art work, Linde’s cake performance has also generated much needed debate about genital mutilation around the web. According to the World Health Organization, 100–140 million women have experienced female genital mutilation in the world and 92 million of those individuals are in Africa. The procedure is an arcane cultural relic that continues to emotionally and physically scar girls and young women.

What is lost on many commenters is that no matter what Linde has done, the acts of genital mutilation, which the piece was meant to highlight, are more grotesque than his performance could ever be. One New York Times article points out the gruesome realities:
“About 15 percent of those who undergo genital mutilation, mainly women in the Horn of Africa, suffer the most dangerous and extreme version, infibulation.
… All types of female circumcision have huge psychological and physical dangers. Some girls bleed to death during the operation, or die of tetanus or infection shortly after. But for infibulated women, the dangers are even greater. Many infibulated women suffer constant infections and other health problems because urine and blood back up. Their husbands must bring a knife to their wedding night to cut them open. Childbirth often is fatal for infibulated women and their babies, and their wounds make them much more vulnerable to the AIDS virus.”
Other commenters who have been critical of Linde’s performance also have a lack of understanding of Sweden and the cultural context in any discussion of the work. Sweden is over 95% “white” by American definitions of race, which means that almost any audience in Stockholm will be predominantly white so the image that is at the top of this article and being transmitted around the web is not out of the ordinarily for its racial make up. In our conversation, Linde also touches upon another issue that Americans don’t often discuss, the fact that their culture is often imposed on others and shapes their relationship to their local culture.

“If it is something that Americans take serious is postcolonialism and slavery and ‘not going there’ and making a bad joke about it. In Sweden, we don’t have the same slave trade history. But the same image of the slave dominates the images of Africans in Sweden but it is an imposed image from outside. That’s also true for black Americans but for Afro-Swedes we look at it as one more degree removed.”

“Black American culture dominates the image of black culture in Sweden but there aren’t that many similarities between Afro-Swedish culture and black American culture. I’m making a generalization but it’s a reality that our image in our own culture is being influenced by the world outside,” he says.

In a Skype interview with Al Jazeera Linde made a point that we all should remember when confronted with stark and disturbing images that are hard to register mentally and emotionally:
“The vastness of social media encourages misinterpretation when pulled out of its context.”
On the flip side, the vastness of social media can also raise awareness about an issue that continues to torture millions of people the world over. It’s a double-edged sword and one that Linde is fully aware of nowadays.

A Few More Fotos from the NiggerCake/ClitoridectomyCake "Celebration"

Artist Makode Linde being fed "ClitCake" by Swedish Culture Minister Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth.

 Even Swedish Children watched this racist/sexist  fiasco.

 Swedish Culture Minister Lena Adelsohn Liljeroth Begins the ClitCake/NiggerCake Ceremony.

Sharing the NiggerCake/ClitCake with Fellow Elites.

AfroSwedish Artist Artist Makode Linde uses his own head for the NiggerCake/ClitCake and screams everytime the cake is cut.

 

Tuesday, April 03, 2012

Published on openDemocracy (http://www.opendemocracy.net)

Who owns your child's school? The rise and rise of edu-business

Melissa Benn, 03rd April 2012

Faster than we recognise, schools are becoming profit centres. The buildings, the teaching, the cleaning, the exam results are all ways to make money. But who benefits? Not the poorest, argues Melissa Benn. About the author Melissa Benn is a writer and campaigner. Her latest book School Wars: The Battle for Britain's Education is published by Verso.

Brooke House Sixth Form College in Hackney - known as BSix - has come up with an inventive new wheeze [8] to break down the inequalities of access to higher education. It has spent thousands of pounds creating a replica of an Oxford don's study down to the colours of walls, antique furnishings and polished wooden floors. The so-called Red Room has been built in order to familiarise underprivileged youngsters, who aspire to top universities, with the lush furnishings of privilege.

Age-old assumptions underlie the BSix initiative – namely, the perceived superiority of certain elite institutions, in both the secondary or higher education sector. But recent moves [9], a mere 30 miles away in Luton, Bedfordshire, more accurately indicate the new direction of our education system.

Here, the Barnfield Federation, a group that already runs a chain of academy schools, has declared an interest in running one or more for-profit further education colleges, taking advantage of a permissive clause in the 2011 Education Act. Surplus cash generated by the 'business' will be used to pay a dividend to shareholders.

Welcome to the rampant, and rapid, privatisation that now characterises the English education scene. As we move away from state provision of state education, the remnants of a universal comprehensive system are being dismantled and replaced by new providers at every level. Eton in the East End

To take one small example: private schools are increasingly encouraged (a process begun under New Labour) to set up, or take over, failing schools, often with mixed results. At the Isle of Sheppey academy, sponsored by Dulwich college, truancy figures were recently reported to be the fifth highest in the UK.

More recently, there has been sharp protest at plans [10] by Eton College and several other leading public schools, to run a super selective sixth form college, entitled the London Academy of Excellence, in London's East End. According to Eddie Playfair, head of nearby Newham College:

'The rhetoric is that this is a lifeboat coming to save the poor. A lot of effort will be wasted in competition which could be spent on improving education and sharing good practice and developing what students really need.'

Professor Stephen Ball of the Institute of Education, a leading authority on the steady march of 'edu-business', describes it as a 'ratchet process' in which each new government circular or Education Act has opened up a fresh business opportunity. As Ball told me when I interviewed him for my recent book School Wars: The Battle for Britain's Education [11], there have been 35 such moments since 1988, each one encouraging the private sector to take over, and sell back to schools, a range of services, from meals to building improvements, to the examination system and inspection services. Over time, a plethora of bidders has become consolidated into a few, established, providers. The result is that, while during the 1990s there were 120 different companies involved in the inspection of schools, this had shrunk to seven by 2003. It has now dwindled to just three.

As Ball shrewdly observes, the term 'privatisation' does not do justice to the complex interconnection being formed between state and market. We are seeing a general "corporatisation" of schooling itself - covering everything from the importing of private sector management techniques to the dominance of entrepreneurial and aspirational narratives and values within the classroom.

Take Amey [12], typical of companies operating in the education world. It markets itself as a leading provider of "more effective and efficient public services". It employs more than 11,000 staff, works in more than 200 locations in the UK, trumpets a range of education related services, including ten major education partnerships. It boasts of contracts for services ranging from schools improvement and special educational needs to the delivery and management of new schools, encompassing cleaning, catering, janitorial, security and building and grounds maintenance. Philanthropy

However, the company's website does not make reference to Amey's ill-fated sponsorship of one of the early city academies, Unity City Academy in Middlesbrough, North Yorkshire, one of the poorest areas of England, which opened in 2002. By 2008, only 12 per cent of its pupils were getting five good GCSEs and the company eventually withdrew from the school.

Worldwide, the education market is estimated to be worth more than £100 billion. It has increasingly attracted the interest of philanthropic billionaires, such as Bill and Melinda Gates in the United States, and, here in the UK, Arpad Busson, the London-based French financier who founded ARK, one of the more successful educational chains in England.

Education has also attracted the interest of multinational corporations such as Pearsons, owners of the Financial Times and the Penguin Group, and of Rupert Murdoch's global empire, News International. Pearson Education employs around 37,000 people and is based in more than 60 countries. This company recently bought up educational businesses in Brazil, India and the US. It has contracts with five English academies for textbooks, as well as providing pupil assessments, teacher training and software. Pearson has also expressed interest in the new boom area of English education - helping to run new free schools and academies.

Since coming to power in 2010, the Coalition has accelerated the break-up of state education, and encouraged a range of semi-private providers to enter the system. Free schools were initially presented by Tory ministers as a form of parent power, but most of the new schools are in fact being run by an eclectic mix of charitable and third-sector organisations, religious groups, and, increasingly, private providers and the rapidly expanding academy chains.

Take Oasis [13], one of the largest academy chains, with 14 academies already open and more in development. As Henry Stewart reports on the Local Schools Network [14] website, between 2006 and 2010, the revenue received from government by the Oasis chain grew from £3 million to £70 million. The revenue of ARK [15], which runs 11 academies in London, Birmingham and Portsmouth, increased from £3 million to £117.5 million. In 2009-10, the income of E-ACT [16], another academy sponsor, grew from £15.5 million to £60 million. Its head, Sir Bruce Liddington, former Schools Commissioner, was reportedly paid more than £280,000 a year, in the last year when accounts were available. (The finances of these chains are no longer published.) All these groups are highly regarded by government in policy debates and have considerable influence on the development of government thinking and practice in education. The views of local authorities, on the other hand, are largely ignored. Profit centres

The idea of 'for profit' schools is now widely discussed in the media and various policy arenas. In Spring 2011, the Adam Smith Institute [17] proposed the introduction of for-profit free schools, claiming it the only solution to dealing with a rapidly expanding primary age population. In January 2012 Policy Exchange [18] came up with the more emollient sounding 'John Lewis' or social enterprise model, in which key stakeholders share the profits: the origins of the Luton sixth form college proposal mentioned above.

The economic logic of privatisation is clear: with drastic cuts in public spending, forced on government by the bankers' crisis in 2008, putting public services out to market appears to save the tax payer, while enabling shareholders to earn a share of the profits. What it does not do is ensure equitable provision.

Proponents argue that it is the poor who will ultimately benefit from such changes. Bill Gates told the 2008 World Economic Forum that this was 'creative capitalism, an approach where governments, businesses, and non-profits work together to stretch the reach of market forces so that more people can make a profit, or gain recognition, doing work that eases the world's inequities.'

Professor Ball notes wryly of this approach in a forthcoming article in FORUM [19], (Vol 54, No 1, 2012): 'Here, then, profit becomes a force for good, at exactly the same time as it brought the western financial system to the brink of collapse.'

How these policy developments will promote the interests of poorer children remains questionable. An independent analysis [20] of 23 of the 24 free schools that opened their doors in September 2011 revealed that these schools had a significantly lower percentage of children on free school meals (a good indication of deprivation) than neighbouring schools. And recent analysis by the Local Schools Network [21], featured in The Observer [22] and now confirmed by researchers at the House of Commons, has shown that the much-trumpeted sponsored academies do less well in terms of results than the relentlessly traduced community schools serving similarly disadvantaged populations.

Given the relentless drive to privatisation of our schools by the current Coalition government, their poor performance remains a surprisingly well-kept secret.

-------------------


Creative Commons
This article is published by Melissa Benn, and openDemocracy.net under a Creative Commons licence [25]. You may republish it with attribution for non-commercial purposes following the CC guidelines. For other queries about reuse, click here [26]. Some articles on this site are published under different terms. No images on the site or in articles may be re-used without permission unless specifically licensed under Creative Commons.
[27] [28] [29]


Source URL: http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/melissa-benn/who-owns-your-child%E2%80%99s-school-rise-and-rise-of-edu-business
Created 04/03/2012 - 07:18

Links:
[1] http://www.opendemocracy.net/themes/5050-theme
[2] http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom
[3] http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050
[4] http://www.opendemocracy.net/topics/equality
[5] http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/5050-editors-pick
[6] http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/centrestage
[7] http://www.opendemocracy.net/author/melissa-benn
[8] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-oxfordshire-17351103
[9] http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2012/mar/25/academy-federation-run-college-profit
[10] http://www.thisislondon.co.uk/news/education/we-dont-need-eton-to-save-our-children-say-east-end-heads-7564942.html
[11] http://www.amazon.co.uk/School-Wars-Battle-Britains-Education/dp/1844677362
[12] http://www.amey.co.uk/AboutAmey.aspx
[13] http://www.oasiscommunitylearning.org/
[14] http://www.localschoolsnetwork.org.uk/2012/02/academy-chains-no-case-for-expansion/
[15] http://www.arkschools.org/
[16] http://www.e-act.org.uk/academies/academies-2
[17] http://www.adamsmith.org/research/reports/profit-making-free-schools-unlocking-the-potential-of-englands-proprietorial
[18] http://www.policyexchange.org.uk/publications/category/item/social-enterprise-schools
[19] http://www.wwwords.co.uk/FORUM/
[20] http://schoolduggery.wordpress.com/2011/11/14/free-schools-and-disadvantaged-children-the-data/
[21] http://www.localschoolsnetwork.org.uk/2012/02/house-of-commons-research-confirms-no-evidence-of-better-academies-performance/
[22] http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2012/feb/25/academny-schools-fewer-gcses-study
[23] http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/melissa-benn/schools-our-children-deserve
[24] http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/sara-tomlinson-and-corporate-watch/busting-myths-around-england%E2%80%99s-%E2%80%9Cfree-schools%E2%80%9D-teacher%E2%80%99
[25] http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/
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Monday, March 26, 2012

 Afrikaner Racism Is Still Alive Inside "Rainbow" South Africa 
New VideoDoc: Afrikaner Blood

Thanx, in part, to South Africa's super conciliatory "Truth & Reconciliation Commission," rabid white supremacists are free to roam the nation spreading their racist hate without fear of reprisals. Groups like the KommandoKorps can exist and grow into strong paramilitary terrorist formations while ANC and its white liberal allies perform even more nervous hang-wringing rituals.

<<The shocking video Afrikaner Blood by Elles van Gelder and Ilvy Njiokiktjien from the Netherlands has just won first prize in the World Press Photo multimedia category. This slideshow comprises photographs of young white South African teenagers who attend a holiday camp set up by a right-wing racist group.>> Pambazuka News (pambazuka.org)

Multimedia production by journalist/videographer Elles van Gelder & photojournalist Ilvy Njiokiktjien about the right-wing organization Kommandokorps in South Africa.

White South African teens wrestle with an uncertain identity. An extreme right-wing group is teaching young Afrikaners to eschew Nelson Mandela's vision of a multicultural rainbow nation. The fringe group Kommandokorps, led by old-apartheid leader Franz Jooste, organizes camps in school holidays where Afrikaner teenagers learn to defend themselves against crime in South Africa. But that's not all. They learn they are their own people - not South Africans but Afrikaners - that shouldn't integrate in the new democratic South Africa.

Below is a teaser for the Akrikaner Blood documentary.


Uploaded to youtube.com by on Dec 11, 2011

Friday, March 16, 2012

Charter Schools Are Not the Answer to the US Black/Latino Education Crisis

Southern Echo and the MS Delta Catalyst Roundtable released the following position paper on charter schools. The paper highlights that most charter schools do not outperform traditional public schools; that massive amounts of state funding would be diverted from traditional public schools into privately-owned, privately-governed public-funded charter schools; and that MS proposed charter schools bills do not provide any meaningful parental engagement in the creation of the schools, the governance of the schools, policy formation and implementation in the schools, or meaningful participation in the development of the culture of the schools. The paper also highlights recommendations if authorizing charter schools cannot be avoided.
Charter Schools Are Not the Answer- Southern Echo

Sunday, March 11, 2012

Boston U Students Speak Out About Affirmative Action 
(including my Granddaughter- Nandi Anderson)

Sunday, March 04, 2012

New Orleans- A Case Study of Privatizing thru Charterizing

 

From Parents Across America - New Orleans Nightmare

Choice really means: 
"Schools choose [students] and parents and children lose. We really don't have choice."

PAA's Karran Harper Royal at the inaugural PAA event on Monday night share her experiences with the ed deform privatization scheme in New Orleans where choice turns out to be between KIPP and KIPP.

"Charter schools' solution to school improvement is to change our students."
"The principal became a CEO and her salary went from about $80,000 to $250 thousand."

See our future under ed deform, when public schools only exist for students unwanted by charters, in all its glory.

Friday, March 02, 2012

Remembering Samuel F. Yette- Brave Journalist, Author of the Controversial Black Classic: "The Choice"


Samuel Yette: My Book, “The Choice” exposes high level eugenics efforts against the black community

Samuel Yette (July 2, 1929 to January 21, 2011) was one of the first Black journalists to work for Newsweek. After he published his book, The Choice” which exposed high level attempts of Black Genocide through birth control , abortion, and additional means , he was fired by Newsweek. Yette claims his superiors told him that the “Nixon Whitehouse” wanted him out of Washington.

In One chapter on Birth Control Yette exposes President Nixon’s White House Conference on Food and Nutrition of December 2-4, 1969. In Mr. Yette’s words it, “was worse than a farce.” President Nixon opened the conference with 3 recommendations designed to reduce the number of hungry people! He suggested no measures for the relief of hunger in America.

1. He wanted everyone to have a guaranteed minimum income of $1,600 a year. (This is less than welfare was paying at that time.)
2. A supposed expansion of the food stamp program that would be tied into and compliment the welfare reform package in #1. (His plan would have actually reduced the amount of food stamps. Less money + less food =more hunger.)
3. Provide family planning services to at minimum 5 million women in low-income families.

This last proposal was part of a plan formulated by Dr. Charles Lowe of the National Institute of Health. The plan recommended Congress pass a law that:
1. Made birth control information and devices available to any and all girls over the age of 13 with or without parental consent.
2. Allowed mandatory abortions for unmarried girls within the 1st three months of pregnancy.
3. Mandatory sterilization for any unmarried girl giving birth out of wedlock for the 2nd time.

Yette describes how female black activist, Fannie Lou Hamer was there for the Conference on hunger. When she heard about the birth control proposals she grabbed about a dozen young black men, walked into the room, and demanded to be heard. She spoke about ten minutes on the evil results of this plan and the conference dropped it from consideration.

Perhaps these “Conversations” with Richard Nixon will explain why he didn’t want Yette to have an shpere of influence. These are from the film: Maafa21 Black Genocide in 21st Century America and the film has more on the Yette story and more history on Black Genocide in America Today !

Today, Black women account for almost 40% of the abortions.
 -------------------------

Sam Yette Dies, Wrote of 'Black Survival'


Samuel F. Yette, a reporter, teacher, author and photojournalist whose publication of the 1971 book "The Choice: The Issue of Black Survival in America" coincided with his dismissal as the first black Washington correspondent for Newsweek magazine, died Friday at an assisted living facility in Laurel, Md.

He was 81 and had Alzheimer's disease, a son, Michael Yette, told Journal-isms.

"My dad would like to be known for teaching," Michael Yette said. "He was a natural teacher, and he wanted to spread knowledge and wisdom to particularly his people to help them advance the lives of his people, and journalism was his tool of preference in doing that."

However, Yette's controversial Vietnam-era book "The Choice" put him in headlines. It came to be used as a textbook on 50 college campuses, including DePaul University, the University of Chicago and the University of Nebraska, he said, as well as at traditionally black schools such as Howard University.

"The book dealt with things they did not want people to know about at the time," Yette told the Tennessee Tribune, which he joined as a columnist, in 1996. "There were those well-placed in our government who were determined to have a final solution for the race issue in this country — not unlike Hitler's 'Final Solution' for Jews 50 years earlier in Germany. I wrote this and documented it. It caused the Nixon White House to say to Newsweek in effect, 'Don't come back until you are rid of him.' "

Yette charged that he had become "unacceptable on the scene" as a correspondent for Newsweek as a result of the book, and filed suit. He was represented by Clifford L. Alexander, former chairman of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission who went on to become secretary of the Army, consultant and board member at Fortune 500 companies and interim chairman and CEO of Dun & Bradstreet.

"I don't mean to be pejorative or vindictive when I say this," Yette said at a 1972 news conference, "but had I been a nigger instead of Black, a spy instead of a reporter, a tool instead of a man, I could have stayed at Newsweek indefinitely," Jet magazine reported.

Michael Yette said that his dad won the wrongful termination case in a lower court but that Newsweek won on appeal. Osborn Elliott, editor-in-chief of Newsweek, said then, "The decision to dismiss Mr. Yette was made on purely professional grounds."

Michael Yette said his dad anticipated that Newsweek would fire him over "The Choice," which was inspired in large part by what Yette had seen from his reporting on Capitol Hill. So he lined up a position with the then-new School of Communications at Howard University and taught journalism there from 1972 to 1986.

When black scholars commemorated "The Choice's" 13th reprinting in 1991, Ronald A. Taylor wrote in the Washington Times that Yette asserted that the book "best documents the genocidal conclusion" held by many about the effect of government policies on blacks.

Yette was born in Harriman, Tenn., in 1929, according to a biographical piece in 1996 in the Tennessee Tribune. He attended Morristown College in that state, earned a bachelor's degree at Tennessee State University, and went on to secure a master's at Indiana University.

"Yette founded Tennessee State University's The Meter — a publication that for more than 60 years has gone on to train, educate and provide practical journalism experience to thousands of TSU graduates who've darkened the doors of its office," alumnus Marshall A. Latimore, who now works at the school, wrote to Journal-isms.

"Yette's legacy is still very strong at Tennessee State. A number of former Meterites have even begun trending topics mentioning their times as staffers, editors and managers working for the publication. Some of the hashtags include #RIPSamuelFYette, #themeter, #metermemories and #MeterAlumni."

When the Tribune piece was written, Yette was a Washington correspondent and columnist for the Richmond Free Press, the Philadelphia Tribune, the Tennessee Tribune, the Miami Times — all part of the black press — and the World African Network, an Internet publication.

Yette points to his assignment with Gordon Parks for Life magazine as the beginning of his understanding of the power of photography," the Tribune continued. " 'As reporter, researcher, pack-horse, camera-loader, Kian scout, front-man and chauffeur for Gordon, I began to appreciate the importance of photography as a powerful — and sometimes indispensable — tool in modern storytelling. On train rides, he would suck up magazines or newspapers and have me select the best and worst pictures, and tell why. I learned also of the responsibility the journalist assumes for the welfare of those he exposes in his process.' "

Yette worked with Parks in Alabama in 1956 for a series in Life about segregation in the South. They soon became close friends. Yette was an adviser in Jesse Jackson's 1984 presidential campaign and his official photographer in the 1988 campaign, Michael Yette said.

The HistoryMakers added, "As their first black reporter, he covered City Hall for the Dayton Journal Herald in 1962. Yette became the Peace Corps's press liaison for Sargent Shriver's visit to Africa in 1963 and was made the executive secretary of the Peace Corps . . . in 1964. He was then appointed special assistant for civil rights to the director of the U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity, a position he held until 1967."

Coincidentally, services were held Saturday for Shriver, who died Tuesday at age 95.

In 2005, Yette returned to his native Tennessee to become a writer in residence at Knoxville College. But he took ill there, and his sons, Michael and Frederick Yette, brought him home to Maryland in 2008, the two told Journal-isms.

"He was a warm intelligent man who loved his family greatly," Alexander, asked for his thoughts on Yette, told Journal-isms.

---------------
Richard Prince's popular column on the news media, published by the Maynard Institute for Journalism Education (www.mije.org)

Thursday, March 01, 2012

13-Yr Old Sister Allegedly Persecuted by Rochester, NY Teachers for “Radical” Essay on Frederick Douglass
 -------
- www.http://blacklikemoi.com
February 29, 2012
“Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe.” Frederick Douglass

On Saturday, February 18, 2012, the Frederick Douglass Foundation of New York presented the first Spirit of Freedom award to Jada Williams, a 13-year old city of Rochester student. Miss Williams wrote an essay on her impressions of Frederick Douglass’ first autobiography the Narrative of the Life. This was part of an essay contest, but her essay was never entered. It offended her teachers so much that, after harassment from teachers and school administrators at School #3, Miss Williams was forced to leave the school.

We at the Frederick Douglass Foundation honored her because her essay actually demonstrates that she understood the autobiography, even though it might seem a bit esoteric to most 13-year olds. In her essay, she quotes part of the scene where Douglass’ slave master catches his wife teaching then slave Frederick to read. During a speech about how he would be useless as a slave if he were able to read, Mr. Auld, the slave master, castigated his wife.

Miss Williams quoted Douglass quoting Mr. Auld: “If you teach that nigger (speaking of myself) how to read, there will be no keeping him. It will forever unfit him to be a slave. He would at once become unmanageable, and of no value to his master.”

Miss Williams personalized this to her own situation. She reflected on how the “white teachers” do not have enough control of the classroom to successfully teach the minority students in Rochester. While she herself is more literate than most, due to her own perseverance and diligence, she sees the fact that so many of the other “so-called ‘unteachable’” students aren’t learning to read as a form of modern-day slavery. Their illiteracy holds them back in society.

Her call to action was then in her summary: “A grand price was paid in order for us to be where we are today; but in my mind we should be a lot further, so again I encourage the white teachers to instruct and I encourage my people to not just be a student, but become a learner.”

This offended her English teacher so much that the teacher copied the essay for other teachers and for the Principal. After that, Miss Williams’ mother and father started receiving phone calls from numerous teachers, all claiming that their daughter is “angry.” Miss Williams, mostly a straight-A student, started receiving very low grades, and she was kicked out of class for laughing and threatened with in-school suspension.

There were several meetings with teachers and administrators, but all failed to answer Miss Williams’ mother’s questions. The teachers refused to show her the tests and work that she had supposedly performed so poorly on. Instead, the teachers and administrators branded her a problem.

Unable to take anymore of the persecution, they pulled her from School #3. Wanting to try another school, they were quickly informed that that school was filled and told to try “this school.” During her first day at this new school, she witnessed four fights, and other students asked her if she was put here because she fights too much.

Long story short, they took an exceptional student, with the radical idea that kids should learn to read, and put her in a school of throwaway students who are even more unmanageable than the average student in her previous school. To protect their daughter, her parents have had to remove her from school, and her mother has had to quit her job so she can take care of Miss Williams.

Jada Williams with her mother.

To date, the administrators of School #3 have refused to release her records, even though she no longer attends the school, and they have repeatedly given her mother the run around. We at the Frederick Douglass Foundation have contacted school administrators in regards to this situation and have also been told to hit the pavement.

That’s what we intend to do. If this school will sacrifice the welfare of an above-average student whose essay, that they asked her to write, they find offensive, we intend to make everyone aware of this monstrous injustice. The school has a job, and it is not doing it.

We would like as many folks as possible to call the Principal of School #3 and complain about this injustice. Her name is Miss Connie Wehner, and she can be reached at (585) 454-3525.


This treatment of Jada Williams cannot stand.