Thursday, January 28, 2010

Avatar - An Extenstion of White Supremacy 

A film that has grossed billions of dollars worldwide while spreading/re-enforcing white supremacy rule and myths.


By FAMeade 
on 01/15/10
An analysis of the movie Avatar and its White Supremacist theme 
as read by the author Frederick Alexander Meade.





Wednesday, January 20, 2010

The Social Historical Context of 'Natural Disasters': Haiti


By Victor M. Rodriguez Domínguez
January 18th, 2010







Poor Mexico, so far away from God... but so close to the United States.
- Porfirio Diaz


Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
- Santayana


Just like we have learned earlier from the Katrina disaster, it is important, while we share our solidarity and our support for the tragedy being endured by the courageous people of Haiti, not to forget the historical and social context that frames this most recent disaster in the Haitian experience. After hearing the news and the self- congratulatory speech of President Obama about the 'historical ties' of Haiti and the United States, I could not but recall a different narrative of 'historical ties' than the one the media is conveying. This counter narrative is more congruent with a famous quote from former Mexican Dictator Porfirio Diaz which applies to the Haitian experience in an ominous way. Dictator Diaz in the last half of the 19th century opened Mexico to foreign capitalists, especially U.S. investors and created the precursor of today's neo-liberal policies in that country. By the early part of the twentieth century half of Mexico's wealth was in foreign hands. Today, Haiti is under the total control of the United States and its institutions. A country that used to produce its own rice, now imports it from the United States.







One aspect of these 'historical ties' that are not told in United States' high school history textbooks is that Haiti, by being the first independent country in the Americas, led by people of African descent, created fear in the white slave holding elites throughout the world. Haiti was the most prosperous European colony in the Americas and one that brought to France a significant amount of the wealth that catapulted it to the rank of a developed nation. But, France's and the United States ascent to the developed world were rooted in the sentencing of Haiti to centuries of economic despair and political instability. This is the story we are asked to forget.



In 1804, Haiti declared its independence from France under the leadership of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who succeeded the brilliant military strategist and former slave Toussaint L'Ouverture. In the preceding years the Haitian army defeated the most powerful European army in Europe, Napoleon Bonaparte's army of tens of thousands and at different times defeated smaller attempts by the British and the Spanish to subdue the Haitians.


Europe and the United States never forgave Haiti for becoming a model of freedom against the infamous system of slavery and after Haiti was in a state of political weakness because of internal strife imposed economic blockades (like in Cuba). Ironically, France collected 'reparations' for its loss of 'property' (slaves) during the Haitian war of liberation and Haiti was isolated (worse than Cuba is today). The United States waited sixty years before it granted recognition to the nascent republic. What today we call the global north, dominated by the United States created the conditions for perpetual Haitian underdevelopment. The example of an African nation which was prosperous in the Americas was too much to swallow for the slaveholders of the United States and Europe. In fact, President Jefferson initially supported the French efforts against Haiti until it discovered that Napoleon wanted to then expand the French empire beyond the Louisiana territory. After Napoleon's defeat, it sold the Louisiana Territory to the United States dramatically expanding the United States' empire. So thanks to Haiti's victory, the United States began its modern phase of territorial expansion. We paid them with economic sanctions.


Unfortunately, Latin American nations in struggle for their own independence from Spain, also betrayed the nascent Haitian nation. Simon Bolivar, the liberator of the most of Latin America, received military support and weapons from the Haitian revolutionaries in 1816. Yet, in the end Bolivar denied support and recognition to Haiti when they needed it. Their own fear of a pardocracia (government of the people of color) instilled more fear in the Bolivarian revolutionaries than the Spanish or the United States imperialists. Brazil did not abolish slavery until 1888, being the last country in the world to do so.


The economic disaster created by United States and Europe policies of isolation, let to the creation of one of the first debtor states. Haiti, in what was latter debt peonage, was forced to endure a period of formal colonialism when the United States marines invaded Haiti in 1915. After 19 years, they left the country neatly re-organized to become a neo- colony of United States. In order to assure obedience and discipline to the imperial requirements, the United States military trained the Haitian National Guard (like in recent years the formerly called 'School of the Americas' trained Latin America's military) and left the military forces that would lead to the eventual dictatorship of Francois Duvalier in 1957, probably (together with another U.S. protégé in the other side of the island, the Dominican Republic's dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo) one of the most cruelest and murderous in the Americas.


In recent decades, after the end of the Duvalier dynasty period of bloody control, the Haitian nation has attempted to stand on their own feet and establish a democratic and prosperous nation. Each time their efforts have been thwarted, this time again by the United States and the support of Europe. Father Bertrand Aristide, who despite his weaknesses, was by far a step in the right direction for Haiti. He was elected democratically by the Haitian people twice and twice removed by forces supported and directed by the United States. The last time, in 2004, President Bertrand Aristide, was overthrown by former military forces influenced by the Duvalierists and other forces allied to the light- skinned elites who have ruled Haiti for decades in alliance with the United States. Marx said that history repeats itself, the first as tragedy the second time as a farce. The first tragedy was that President Bertrand Aristide was kidnapped by United States agents, placed in a United States military plane and whisked away to the Central African Republic. Today he lives in exile in South Africa. Summer 2009, President Zelaya from Honduras was also overthrown and later kidnapped and exiled in a sequel that seems more like a farce. Today, he is still in exile.





Someone has said that 'Americans are the people with the most access to information and the least informed.' As we watch the coverage of the Haitian tragedy and we hear President Obama's words, the first African American president, let's not forget white supremacy is alive and kicking in the United States. The main networks are in a self-congratulatory mood about how we are the first responders and celebrating the spirit of giving of the nation. The United States people are a generous people and they will respond but we should not forget the reasons why this disaster has been amplified. The government and the infrastructure of Haiti are so inefficient and non-existent that the coordination of efforts will be more difficult.



Ironically, corporate media in the United States, because they are monolingual and do not read Spanish or Creole, are cheerleading the arrival of Canadians and U.S. planes late on Wednesday, the fact is that the first responders came from Venezuela, which sent its air force with medics, food and equipment a few hours after the tragedy. Cuba, which already had 344 medical doctors on the ground, sent more teams with 151 more specialized medical doctors (including the Reed brigade that was offered to the Bush administration to help in New Orleans) that arrived (Cubans already had two tent hospitals serving 800 wounded), the Dominican Republic which sent a 20 member Urban Rescue team, and through which Puerto Rico attempted to coordinate and sent a team of three helicopters, dozens of urban rescuers (who had earlier served in New York during 9/11 attack) and 20 structural engineers. However, Puerto Rico was unable to send them as quickly as they wished; at least until last night (1/16/2010) teams of technicians with water purifying systems, communications and military police did not receive permission from the Southern Command. As a colony of the United States, they had to wait for approval from the U.S. Southern command. God forbid Puerto Ricans and Latinos upstaged the U.S. rescue efforts.


[Victor M. Rodriguez Domínguez is a professor of sociology of race and ethnicity in the Department of Chicano and Latino Studies, California State University, Long Beach, his most recent book is Latino Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience (Kendall Hunt, 2005)]

Friday, January 15, 2010

 VIDEO: 
Haiti's Ambassador to the US, Raymond Joseph, Responds to Pat Robertson's 
Racist Comment

Instead of ignoring Pat Robertson's racist and senile rants, the big and small white dominated corporate media promote it. This time, we are fortunate for a principled TV news media host- Rachel Maddow -to allow Haiti's ambassador to the US to respond and set the historical context for which we are witnessing the devastating horrors unfolding in beloved Haiti. The sad thing is that most folks in the US- of any race or nationality had no clue of the intimate historical connections between Haiti and US expansionism and Haiti and the spread of South American anticolonial/independence movement.



Friday, January 01, 2010

The Economic Crisis: 
How It Impacts African-Americans and Labor 
by Muhammad Ahmad







Lecture delivered at the Economic and Black Labor Forum, the Philadelphia Community Institute for Africana Studies, 22 October 22 2009

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/ahmad021109.html

The present Great Recession is the latest and largest crisis of capitalism since the Great Depression of the 1930s. During the Great Depression over half of all African-American men were unemployed. The present Great Recession is much deeper because the finance sector of capitalism has exhausted its debt. The Federal Government is in debt; the states are in debt; most cities are in debt or near debt; and consumers (the working class) are in debt. This crisis, the worst in 90 years, has a greater impact on African-American workers because they are concentrated in the public sector.

When state governments are in debt and the financial bubble bursts, the future of public-sector workers is threatened, a future they have built through the unionization process. It is essential that African-American workers, particularly in the public sector, protect their self-interests and power by transferring their labor power into an economically and politically self-reliant form, by creating a black workers' society.

African-Americas are the majority or near majority of the population in 26 or 27 large cities in America. Between 1910 and 1970 six and a half million African-Americans left the South. Today 58-65% live in urban areas.

What I will concentrate on is not only the crisis, but alternatives to the crisis. In the 1930s unemployment was as high as 25% of the entire population. Today, "[o]fficial U.S. unemployment is over 9% while real unemployment, taking into account all those wanting jobs and part-timers desiring full-time work, is close to twice that."1

It is estimated that 122,000 new jobs need to be created each month in order to come out of the present crisis.2 We should realize that the crisis is great. It is serious and it will not be the last. Economic crises tend to reoccur at times that we cannot predict.

In 1963 James Boggs said that with the increase in automation in the production process, capitalists would be able to produce more goods (commodities) faster and with fewer workers, which intensifies unemployment. Racism in the labor market keeps young African-American males a permanent and marginalized sector of the working class.3 There are not enough workers with buying power to purchase all of the commodities; the stores are full and everyone is in debt. There is a global glut of overproduction and under-consumption creating this crisis and a falling rate of profits.

This is the structural crisis of monopoly finance capital: the latest of three major stages of capitalism.

The first stage was "mercantilism," which began in the 16th century continuing into the 18th century. The second stage, "competitive capitalism," the outgrowth of the industrial revolution, took hold in the late 18th century until the mid 19th century. The third stage is called "monopoly capitalism," which began in the last quarter of the 19th century. It consolidated in the 20th century and became more global in the late 20th century as finance played a larger role in warding off crisis and stagnation through wars, debt, and speculation.

For instance, the dominant U.S. financial firms of 1909, J. P. Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and National City Bank are still at the center of the economy one hundred years later. One notable exception was the failed Lehman Brothers which lasted for 99 years.

The stagnation tendency endemic to the mature, monopolistic economy, it is crucial to understand, is not due to technological stagnation, i.e., any failure at technological innovation and productivity expansion. Productivity continues to advance and technological innovations are introduced.4

In this period from 1974-1975, the U.S. economy and the world economy as a whole entered into a full-fledged structural crisis after a long boom. Thus began decades of deepening stagnation. The finance bubble provided a partial fix for the economy, which resulted in mountains of debt and tremendous growth in financial profits. What also resulted was the increasing dependence of the entire economy on one financial bubble after another, which kept the economy afloat.

Every crisis leads to a brief period of restraint, followed by further excesses. Other external stimuli such as military spending, continue to play a significant role in lifting the economy, but are now secondary in impact to the ballooning of finance.5

Another stimulus to the economy has been the privatization of prisons, a constantly increasing prison-industrial complex and a drug culture/illegal economy that is laundered 24/7 into the legal economy. This has created the "silent" criminalization and genocide of two million African-Americans and has devastated African-American families and communities.

The official unemployment rate for African American men was 15% as of March
2009.





Over a third of young black men, ages 16 to 19 in the labor market are unemployed. In fact a recent report found that 8% of all black men have lost their jobs since November 2007.6

The Center for Economic and Policy Research estimated that African-Americans in manufacturing jobs fell from 23.9% in 1979 to 9.8% in 2007.


African-American men have been affected by the instability in the automotive industry. They earn higher wages than in other industries and make up a fifth of the workforce. Twenty thousand African-American autoworkers were either laid off or took buy-outs from the Big Three in 2008.7 Three million jobs could be lost within the next year -- a result that would grossly affect African-Americans if one or more of the domestic automakers were to fail.

African-American workers suffered from a severe decline in decent employment opportunities and have also faced decreasing rates of unionization related to the shrinking manufacturing industry. The median unionized African-American worker earned about $17.51 per hour from 2004-2007, compared to $12.57 per hour for his non-union counterpart.8 The unionized workers were also more likely to have health insurance and pension plans.

Black men have traditionally held the highest union membership rates of all demographic groups. In 2008, 15.9% of black men were members of unions, the greatest participation of all groups and higher than the national average of 12.4%. However, black union membership has been declining at a faster rate than membership among whites since the 1980s.9

Thus African-Americans are impacted by the military-industrial complex, the prison-industrial complex, and finance capital. C. L. R. James, in his article "Black People in the Urban Areas of the United States," says,

. . . The Black people in the United States are the most socially united group in the country, they all have one unifying characteristic -- they suffer from that historical development which has placed them in the role of second-class citizens. There is no other national group which automatically constitutes one social force with a unified outlook and the capacity to make unified moves in politics and to respond to economic problems.10

Henry Nicholas says, "The only thing we own is our labor power." We should learn to use our labor power to serve ourselves, African-American workers. We should use the unions we are in for the benefit of our people. We should use our spiritual power to develop economically self-reliant projects through our churches and masjids (mosques). Thus unions, churches, and mosques should be our bases of power. If we utilize them for economic self-reliance and unite with progressive allies, we will have a collective financial basis for workers' "people power" wherever we reside.

Dr. James Garrett says we need five ingredients for economic self-reliance:

1. Development of a core group to generate capital formation or accumulation that would develop industrial companies.

2. Utilization of land where we are. Dr. Grace Lee Boggs in her article, "A New Kind of Organizing," talks about community land trusts (CLTs). These are unique forms of common-based property rights where a block of land is removed from the real estate market and owned by a people's board of trustees, possibly a community development corporation. These community land trusts could be investment projects of African-American workers' funds, which can be negotiated with a developer, to grant seed money to undertake a development which includes individual houses, sites for businesses, parks, and community centers, etc. Within this utilization of land where we are is the movement that Dr. Boggs has implemented in Detroit, Michigan: the formation of organic community urban gardens. The Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in Philadelphia has a Black Farmers Market where the produce of Black farmers is sold. The institution of neighborhood installation of solar paneling in homes, the establishment of health food stores and other co-ops and fish farms, as Dr. Claude Anderson has advocated, is essential. All this develops at least a three-day supply of food in times of crisis. In the area where we live, we should think about water: purification, treatment, and harnessing. Eventually we should turn our community into Green communities; and we should invest in wind energy. During the 1930s, Ella Baker organized Housewives Leagues into collective buying cooperatives where neighbors bought in quantity, cutting down on costs.






3. Consolidation of capital, which can be done through credit unions. There are 43-50 credit unions in Philadelphia.

4. An organization -- every project needs organization.

5. People who are willing to be trained to make the project theirs and willing to accept the awesome responsibility of leadership to take over and continue the organization. They must be willing to sacrifice and be dedicated, sincere, principled and willing to do the work.

Dr. Grace Lee Boggs states that in a new kind of community organizing we need housing groups to assert the right of people to remain in their homes by blockading residences threatened with foreclosures and evictions, forcing banks or lenders to renegotiate loan terms.

Dr. Boggs explains that we can have local production for local needs. We can create health and wellness, public gathering places, youth development, and conviviality.11 We can grow our own food; live healthier lives, (eat to live rather than living to eat as Elijah Muhammad used to say); create enterprises that will sustain the family and the community; create neighborhood programs (mural painting, theater, dance, sports -- Philadelphia has the Black Star Games every summer, sponsored by the Poor and Righteous Nation).

We can create a green economy by bringing together environmentalists, labor unions and the community organizations, to improve the environment. We can practice energy efficiency by biking or taking public transportation, converting power sources to renewable energy, restoring wetlands and riverbanks, and creating high quality jobs in the modern energy economy.

Dr. Boggs goes on to say that we can bridge the gap between the middle and upper classes who have moved to the suburbs by creating regional councils that struggle to reduce inequities by sharing revenues and reallocating investments. She calls for a new kind of governing: a movement much like the civil rights movement, that is grounded on a new concept -- what it means to be a human being. This movement empowers citizens with new concepts of ownership, of democracy, to engage in transformative activities, depending on themselves, rather than elected officials.






Here we must start with the concept of Umoja circles. We can develop a holistic, dialectical, humanist culture and re-education process by creating communiversities that implement the study of progressive African-American labor, world history, and political theory, combined with practice. It is through a revolutionary politicized culture that the ethos of mass organized struggle resistance movement is passed on to the forthcoming generation. C. L. R. James said,

I believe that black people in America must recognize the opportunities which history has placed in their hands, not only to record the advancement of their own situation but in regard to the ideas and activities of oppressed people the world over.12

A people united will never be defeated. We will win! As Salaam Alaikum.


---------------------------------
REFERENCES

1  John Bellamy Foster and Robert W. McChesney, "Monopoly-Finance Capital
and the Paradox of Accumulation," Monthly Review, Volume 61, Number 5,
October 2009, p. 1.

2  John Wojcik, "Needed: 122,000 Jobs Per Month," People's Weekly World,
Volume 24, Number 15, September 12-18, 2009, p. 1.

3  James Boggs, The American Revolution: Pages From A Negro Worker's
Notebook(New York: Monthly Review Press, 2009), p. 46-61.

4  Foster and McChesney, op. cit., p. 9.

5  Ibid, p. 15.

6  Alexandra Cawthorne, "Weathering the Storm: Black Men in the Recession,"
Center for American Progress,p. 2.

7  Jonathan Mahler, "GM, Detroit and the Fall of the Black Middle Class,"
The New York Times, June 28, 2009, p. 3.

8  Cawthorne, op. cit., p. 4.

9  Ibid, p. 4.

10  Anna Grimshaw (ed.), C. L. R. James Reader (Oxford, U.K. and Cambridge,
U.S.A.: Blackwell, 1992), p. 375.

11  Grace Lee Boggs, "A New Kind of Community Organizing," The Michigan
Citizen, July 5-11, 2009, p. A10.

12  Grimshaw, op. cit., p. 377.
Muhammad Ahmad is the author of We Will Return in the Whirlwind: Black
Radical Organizations 1960-1975 and Black Social and Political Thought.
===================================


USA: Black Workers & the Crisis

Written by Zach McCall in the U.S.
Thursday, 11 June 2009




Despite what Obama calls a "glimmer of hope," the economic crisis continues to unfold and reduce living standards everywhere. This is bad enough news for working people in general, but how do things fare for Black Americans. Has Obama been the "change" that so many hoped for?


Despite what Obama calls a "glimmer of hope," the economic crisis continues to unfold and reduce living standards everywhere. Vice-President, Joe Biden, told CNN recently that we can expect to see increased unemployment every month for the rest of the year, and the unemployment rate could be over 10 percent by Christmas (the unemployment rate is currently at 8.5 percent). This is bad enough news for working people in general, but how do things fare for Black Americans. Has Obama been the "change" that so many hoped for?


Obama represents the interests of the capitalist class and therefore cannot offer any genuine solutions to racism, unemployment and poverty. Drawing by Latuff and Caros Amigos. Currently, unemployment stands at 13.3 percent for all African Americans, but is at 15.4 percent for black males. In comparison to these figures, unemployment for Hispanic workers reached 11.4 percent in March (up from 7 percent last year), and unemployment for white workers reached 7.9 percent in March (up from 4.5 percent last year.).


Dedrick Muhammad, senior organizer and research associate at the Institute for Policy Studies notes that black unemployment could eventually reach a rate of 20 percent or more. According to Muhammad, whites have not had the same unemployment rate as blacks currently have since the Great Depression. Unemployment figures are also understatements, given that the figures do not include people working only part time or those who have given up looking for jobs altogether.


In addition to unemployment, African Americans, as a whole, are getting poorer due to developments they have no control over. Home foreclosures are hitting black communities particularly hard, and over the past decade, median family income has also declined.


Capitalism's legacy of racism continues to oppress African Americans in spite of formal equality on paper and Barack Obama's promises of "change." The sincere illusions that many have in Obama, especially those of African-Americans, will be shattered in the coming period. Obama represents the interests of the capitalist class and therefore cannot offer any genuine solutions to racism, unemployment and poverty.


The problems that plague all workers, whether they black or white, Asian or Hispanic, Native American or Arab, etc., are part and parcel of the capitalist system. As one of the most exploited layers in U.S. society, black workers are destined to play a key role in the formation of a mass party of labor and ultimately in the socialist transformation of society.


Source: U.S. Socialist Appeal
========================================


 Tuesday, December 1, 2009


Black Workers' Crisis May Linger After Upturn
By Black Power Staff







High jobless rate raises concerns even as economy heads into recovery.
By Allison Linn


OAKLAND, Calif. - The recession has compounded a decades-long problem for black workers, who began the downturn facing a far higher jobless rate than the general population and have fared worse since.


Now experts are worried that many blacks will remain in crisis even as the economy begins to recover, largely because the recession has eliminated so many working-class jobs in sectors like manufacturing and retail that are likely to come back slowly, if at all.


"Across the board right now the job prospects are slim, but for blacks even more so than average," said Algernon Austin, director of the program on race, ethnicity and the economy at the Economic Policy Institute, a think tank that focuses on issues affecting lower to middle-income workers.


Tariq Mustafa can relate. Mustafa, 30, has been looking for work since March, when he completed a temporary retail job after he was laid off from a hotel position. He estimates he has filed 100 online job applications as well as spending months pounding the pavement and visiting potential employers in person.


He said he occasionally feels that race plays a role in his inability to get a job, especially in this tight job market.


"Sometimes you come in and you ask for an application, and you know they're hiring because it was on the Internet, and they'll say, you know, 'No, we're not hiring,' " he said. "It's just, it's that vibe, just how people treat you."


The numbers illustrate the sheer depth of the problem black workers are facing. For all the gains that black workers have made over the past 20 years, everywhere from corporate boardrooms to the White House, there remains a persistent gap between black and white unemployment rates.


Since the recession began in December 2007, the national unemployment rate has gone from 4.9 percent to 10.2 percent, while the the black unemployment rate has jumped from 8.9 percent to 15.7 percent, according to government figures.





In addition, blacks have been more likely to drop out of the labor force altogether as many have become so discouraged about job prospects that they have stopped looking for work.


The labor force participation rate for blacks has fallen from 63.4 percent of adults in December 2007 to 61.7 percent as of October. The overall labor force participation rate in the same period has fallen from 66 percent to 65.1 percent, the lowest level since 1986.


Black workers also are likely to take longer to find a new job. In 2008 blacks made up 19.3 percent of the total unemployed population but represented 25.4 percent of the people who had been unemployed for six months or longer, according to the National Employment Law Project.


In good times and bad, blacks face harsher employment prospects for many reasons, including a higher likelihood of past incarceration or homelessness, and less access to a network of friends and relatives who might have job leads. Discrimination, while less overt than in years past, still plays a role, experts say.


"The American labor market is less friendly to black workers than to white workers, and it has been for all of U.S. history," Austin said.


'There's only one America' Some researchers who have studied this disparity see opportunity in the nascent economic recovery. They say programs such as the government's massive $787 billion stimulus program offer a fresh chance to think about how to address racial disparities.


In the long run, these researchers argue, addressing longstanding disparities will benefit the overall economy by creating a stronger work force that can more aggressively compete on the global stage.


"There's only one America, ultimately, as far as in the global economy," Austin said. "There's not white America, black America, Hispanic America - there's just one. And it's either we're all succeeding or we're all failing."







Although the odds are tough, many black jobseekers who spoke to msnbc.com said they believe succeeding in the job market is a personal issue.


"I think it falls on the individual person, how much drive they have to want to succeed," said Laron Blackwell, 30, who is looking for a job after completing an 11-week job training program in trade and shipping at The Workforce Collaborative, a nonprofit in Oakland. "I don't really look at race as, like, part of why people don't have the drive."


Mustafa, the former hotel worker, thinks he has an advantage when job-hunting because he has a strong work history and has learned over the years how to make a good first impression.


"Some jobs don't care about your experience sometimes - they just want to know how you look," he said in an interview at the Oakland Career Center, where he was looking for job openings. "You know, they want to see how you present yourself and how you talk."


Still, he does sometimes sense that race plays a role.


He recalls how he once he waited five hours to speak with a manager at a restaurant in an affluent northern California suburb, only to be turned away after many other, non-black applicants had been seen.


"In the black community it's always like, 'Well, if they don't have a job, you definitely ain't getting a job,'" he said.


While overt racism may not be as prevalent as in decades past, subtle matters of perception, as well as structural societal issues, can have a tangible impact on job prospects for black workers, experts say.


For example, most people get jobs because of who they know. That can be a hindrance in a community that suffers higher rates of unemployment and thus fewer connections to potential jobs. The problem is compounded in a recession, when the job market is so tight that even a low-level job might require an inside recommendation.





Rising unemployment also can beget further joblessness because fewer people in the community have job connections or see role models of working family members and friends.


Olis Simmons runs a youth organization, Youth Uprising, in an area of Oakland that once boasted a large number of well-paying manufacturing jobs.


Over the years, many of those manufacturers left, leaving behind a wide swath of poverty, crime and unemployed workers - and fewer paths to adult employment.


"That actually set up a system where young people are disproportionately affected and, as a result, discouraged," Simmons said.


Other, even more subtle issues of race and class may subconsciously affect employers' decision-making. A 2004 study by Harvard researchers found that people in Boston and Chicago with stereotypically "white" names were more likely to get callbacks for job interviews than those with stereotypically "black" names.


Disparity at all education levels Even black workers with a college education face higher rates of joblessness. A recent study by Austin, from EPI, found that the average unemployment rate for college graduates under age 27 in the first nine months of this year was 6.2 percent for whites and 13.3 percent for blacks.


"These are young blacks who went to college, stayed in school, but yet we still see that their unemployment rate is double that of whites," he said.


Roxanne Winston is not surprised by that statistic. Winston, 22, will graduate from UC Berkeley in December with a degree in American studies and a resume that includes a term as student body president.


Even as she begins her post-college job search confident she will land a job, issues of race are very much on her mind.


"I want to present someone that is confident and strong and is college-educated, and I kind of don't want you to notice that I'm African-American, even though that's such a strong part of my identity," she said. "I don't want it to be something that you take into account when you're considering employing me or not."


"It can be a dilemma for a lot of African-Americans because it can sound like I'm not proud to be African-American, I'm not proud to be who I am, but it's just a reality that there is race bias in employment," she said. "It would be nice for that to not be the case, but this is the reality we're living in."


Among jobholders, inequalities also remain, said Steven Pitts, a labor policy specialist at the University of California, Berkeley. His research has shown that black workers are more likely than white workers to hold low-wage jobs or work in less lucrative positions in the same field. In retail alone, Pitts found that 73.3 percent of black workers received low wages, compared with 62.2 percent of white retail workers.


Lower wages and higher unemployment add up to a median income for black households of $34,218, compared with $50,303 for all U.S. households, according to the latest census data.


Experts say the situation is especially dire for blacks who face serious barriers to employment, such as a history of incarceration or homelessness.


Blacks are five times more likely to be in jail than whites, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. A 2008 study by the Department of Housing and Urban Development found that nearly 42 percent of sheltered homeless people were black.


In this tight job market some are finding that even a relatively minor offense, or one that was years in the past, can make a person unemployable.


"We've set a trend that's going to still, even in the recovery of our economy … leave out a lot of people," said Joyce Guy, an account specialist at The Workforce Collaborative, whose clients often have a history of incarceration, addiction issues or homelessness.


"Right now, with the economy being the way it is, somebody's going to get left out, and over the years it's been Afro-American people that get left out."


'I'm no longer the same person' 
For Marcus Moore, who has spent 29 of his 48 years behind bars for drug-related crimes and is now homeless, it's a struggle just to get the basic necessities for a job interview, such as appropriate clothing and money for transportation to the potential employer.


He also knows that once he gets there, his must explain his past mistakes.


"My past convicts me, you know, and that (will) be for the rest of my life," Moore said.


Still, Moore, who was job-hunting at the Oakland Career Center on a recent day, said he is confident he will get work. He has past work experience as a supervisor for a thrift store chain and in his late mother's restaurant, he said.


The challenge is to convince employers that he has changed in the decades since he first landed behind bars at age 18.


"I know I no longer think the same and I'm no longer the same person, you know?" he said. "All I need is an opportunity to show a company what I could really do."



For Blackfolk: Depression 1930s/Depression2010

Sunday, December 06, 2009

The Privatization Pandemic


The Privatization Pandemic

http://www.counterpunch.org/berne12042009.html

Milwaukeeans vs. 
the Privatization Pandemic

Barbarians at the Schoolhouse
By GEOFF BERNE





In 410 A.D. Visigoth barbarians from northern Europe under their military leader Alaric brutally sacked imperial Rome, trashing its museums and public buildings, vandalizing its art treasures, and driving its population out of the city and into the countryside.

Just so, in June 2009, news arrived in my inbox from Todd Price in Wisconsin that Democratic U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, like Bush-era Republican Secretaries Rod Paige and Margaret Spellings before him an advocate of using charter schools and business management to bring about “education reform,” was gearing up, in his maiden outing as Secretary, for a sack of the city of Milwaukee, or at least its most visible community incarnation, its democratically administered public school system.

Even to an attuned but distant observer from out of state like myself it seemed significant that here was a U.S. Secretary of Education making his debut in his post by involving himself in the micromanagement of how a single city, Milwaukee, runs its schools. A newspaper headline put a spotlight on this unusual federal intervention in a city’s affairs: “U.S. education secretary pushes to improve Milwaukee Public Schools.” The format was for Duncan to meet with an invited assemblage of a dozen school, community, and elected leaders from one American city, the city of Milwaukee, along with a high-placed state official, the Governor of Wisconsin, to lay down the law on the education makeover that would have to take place in the city of Milwaukee for the state of Wisconsin to qualify for a share of the $4 billion in federal “Race To The Top” funds for education reform.





Wasn’t it just a little unprecedented that here were a United States cabinet Secretary and a state Governor going to a city to put it on notice to shape up or ship out? Couldn’t the Secretary simply have put this message in a letter? No, he felt it important to be there in person to make the following points so that those in attendance who seemed to have been invited to create an impression of representativeness of Milwaukee education and the Milwaukee community — the president of the Milwaukee chapter of the NAACP, the president of the Milwaukee Urban League, the Milwaukee schools head of Career Youth Development and the newly named staff person for the public schools’ Innovation and Improvement Advisory Council — would get his points into their heads, to wit, as this summary taken from the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel puts it:

• Duncan wants a united approach, with people from throughout the community getting behind school improvement

• Duncan is not interested in small change, he wants dramatic, bold change

• Duncan is offering billions of dollars to a select number of states and it could be a big opportunity for Wisconsin to be one of them, but if they don’t get in line with the Secretary’s demands for reform, they could “blow it.”

• Duncan demands that leadership of the school makeover in Milwaukee, as the Journal-Sentinel reporter put it, “needs to start at the top, and that means the mayor.”

In an interview with the Journal-Sentinel published the day prior to the meeting, Duncan somewhat unconvincingly declined to express an opinion on the, you’d think, local issue of whether the Milwaukee mayor should be empowered to take over the city schools, while in the same breath exalting the benefits of mayoral school takeovers in uniting whole cities behind a common cause:

“Where the challenges are so large, you need all hands on deck,” he said. “You need the business community, you need the philanthropic community, you need the social service agencies, you need the not-for-profits, you need the city agencies, the police, the fire, the parks and rec . . . The best way I can think to get everyone rowing in the same direction is from leadership at the top, and that comes from the mayor.”

The Secretary in his whirlwind trip to Milwaukee did everything but slam the door on his way out. Milwaukeeans and people familiar with his previous record of replacing public with charter schools as CEO of schools in Chicago, recognized immediately that the outcome would bode ill for public education.




Sure enough, the Duncan visit was followed in September, three months later, by an announcement by Wisconsin Governor Jim Doyle, a Democrat, of a state- and city-endorsed plan for “reform” of education in Milwaukee through dissolution of the city’s elected Board of Education and transfer of its authority to Tom Barrett, Milwaukee’s Democratic mayor. Barrett, who acknowledges aspiring to succeed the retiring Doyle as Governor in 2010, surely must anticipate a boon for himself — by carrying out the Duncan takeover game plan in Milwaukee — with voters across the state. The pretext for the transfer would be the need to bring Wisconsin in line, as speedily as possible, for the so-called “Race To The Top” funding that Duncan is holding out as a plum to the lucky 25 states that toe the Secretary’s line on reform, his line being: elimination of bureaucratic impediments to the remaking of schools such as boards of education who sign contracts granting job security to union teachers.

While Duncan, in replying to a September letter sent to him by a Wisconsin Congresswoman, Gwendolyn Moore, protested that no such demand had been made by him in the Milwaukee meeting, his letter and subsequent developments suggest otherwise.

In reply to Moore's question as to whether at that session mayoral takeover of the city schools had been stated as a condition for the state to receive "Race to the Top" funding, the Secretary denied that there had been such a quid pro quo. However at the same time he firmly emphasized that if the state did not void "all legal, statutory, or regulatory barriers to linking data about student achievement or student growth to teachers for the purpose of teacher and principal evaluation" it would not be allowed to receive the coveted funding. In other words, a threat had been made back in June, and in his September letter, peeling away the oblique wording, he repeats the threat by making the removal of “barriers” an absolute condition for receiving funds – the implication being: get rid of your board of education or do without the funding!

But why has Mr. Duncan had this “thing” about Wisconsin and invested so much of his time, and reputation, in bringing the state into the fold of the public school flagellators (excuse me, I meant to say “reformers”)? One answer is that until legislation to change the system of teacher remuneration was passed in that state during the week of November 9th, Wisconsin had been one of just three holdout states (the others being New York and Nevada) that were stubbornly refusing to peg teacher salaries to student test scores
.

The other reason the Secretary may have put such a premium on Wisconsin is the opportunity to make Milwaukee, America’s 11th poorest city, a poster child for the Duncan method of improving inner city schools: by empowering mayors to close and replace them.
If getting Wisconsin to adopt the Milwaukee takeover legislation is so important to the Secretary of Education that he even made a second trip to Wisconsin (that is, a charter school in Madison) with President Obama on November 4th, then we had better be alert for the importance it may have for the rest of us as well — as a sign of the future for urban communities like Milwaukee that many of us happen to live in, for the boards and officials that we elect to run them, and for school districts outside the inner city who may someday wake up to discover that they themselves are on the receiving end of this juggernaut of “school reform.”

Todd Price, whose account of this, let's face it, Washington-engineered attempted takeover of Milwaukee schools follows in Part II, was the 2009 Green Party candidate for Wisconsin Superintendent of Instruction. With credentials as a teacher of education as well as eyewitness and rally speaker in the Milwaukee confrontation, he opens a rare peephole into privatization-in-action: first, the would-be sack of a major American city’s schools by federal and corporate “barbarians” and then, the bristling backlash against it by Milwaukeeans rallying to defend the independence of their city.






Reacting to his reports and YouTube videos of ferment in Milwaukee that have been coming to me in Ohio, where I have been monitoring and writing about school privatization since the lead-up years to the birth of vouchers in this state with the Cleveland pilot program of 1995, I’ve been brought to attention (and I wouldn't be surprised if Sec. Duncan has been as well) by these Milwaukeeans - teachers, principals, administrators, elected officials, religious leaders, parents, and young students - who’ve been turning out in such numbers to defend their elected school board, and by their resistance to federal and state intrusion.

Could this be a crack in the picture window of acceptance of the privatization pandemic that has been raging unimpeded in this country since even before breaking into the open in the Reagan and Bush years in the 1980s? Considering that, nationally, even unions representing teachers from districts outside of urban areas like Milwaukee have climbed aboard the Duncan “school reform” bandwagon hoping for a seat at the table in the seemingly unstoppable post-public era that awaits, appreciation of what a striking rebuff to this consensus Milwaukeeans have lodged requires a sense of just how ingrained in our system the privatization process has become.
My purpose in what follows is to put Todd Price's narrative of the Wisconsin events in the context of that larger process.

Let me start this preface by highlighting dates in the modern history of privatization that, I believe, offer needed perspective on the Milwaukee story.
Federally grandfathered mayoral takeovers of city school systems like Milwaukee's did not happen out of the blue.

The seemingly overnight transformation by mayoral appointment of local businessmen and retired military into "educators" deemed somehow more qualified to run a city's schools than its elected school board is part of a wave of "let business do it" privatization of government that started as far back as Lyndon Johnson's professedly liberal presidency in the 1960s and has merely come to its crest in the 21st century administrations of the younger George Bush and Barack Obama.

For a fuller visualization of how, all but hidden in the shadows of the 23rd largest city in the United States, it comes to pass that a Democratic president’s Secretary of Education is found plotting to disable public school administrations and orchestrating the demise of the tradition of administrative home rule that goes back more than a hundred years to the founding of the modern American school board in 1901, we need a wide angle gaze.

We need to see this attempted educational annexation of Milwaukee as part of a panorama of selloff and outsourcing of publicly owned lands, services, and capital that has become a uniter of both political parties in a common cause: turning the keys to the American superstructure over to corporate domain.

Escorted by an honor guard of the two parties back to the seat of power it once held in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (and has sought to have restored ever since), a corporate camarilla bent on stripping the nation of its public capital and its public treasury has dragged us back to 1921 and the days of President Warren Harding when cabinet members colluded with oil industry moguls in the privatization of federally owned lands in California and Wyoming’s Teapot Dome, and the watchword of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce said it all: “more business in government, less government in business.”

Meanwhile the gospel of full-scale public ownership, services, and regulation has languished for want of a party voice.

Already in 1966 under our "big government" President Lyndon Johnson, noted in the history books as the last of the New Dealers, seeds of the selloff of government functions and services were being planted when the Office of Management and Budget issued Circular A-76, a directive for government to maximize the process of outsourcing:

"The competitive enterprise system, characterized by individual freedom and initiative, is the primary source of national economic strength . . . the Government should not compete with its citizens."
Privatization picked up steam under Presidents Reagan and George H.W. Bush, whose presidential "Privatization Initiative" in his last year in office made the transfer of government services and capital to private ownership the official and declared policy of the United States:

George H.W. Bush: Title 3
Executive order 12803 of April 30, 1992 57 FR 19063 / May 4, 1992 Privatization initiative: To the extent permitted by law, the head of each executive department and agency shall undertake the following actions: (a) Review those procedures affecting the management and disposition of federally financed infrastructure assets owned by State and local governments and modify those procedures to encourage appropriate privatization of such assets consistent: with this order (b) Assist State and Local governments in their efforts to advance the objectives of this order; and (c) Approve State and local governments' requests to privatize infrastructure assets.

While the Bush directive laid out the game plan for massive asset sales, it was left to the Clinton Administration for implementation. According to Sheldon Wolin in Democracy Incorporated the biggest private expansion into intelligence and other areas of government occurred under Bill Clinton.





Wolin reminds us that during his first term, Clinton outsourced more than 100,000 Pentagon jobs, thousands of then in intelligence, to private companies. By the end of his second term, he had cut 360,000 federal jobs, and the government was spending 44 percent more on private contractors than it had when Clinton took office in 1993.


The Heritage Foundation typified the enthusiasm of the right for the Democratic Clinton’s seeming partnership in privatization with then-House Majority Leader Newt Gingrich, calling his 1996 budget the “boldest privatization agenda put forth by any president to date.”

Nowhere is the hold of private corporations over our national wealth more obvious than in the for-profit manufacture of arms, warplanes, ships and military hardware.

The Congressional Research Service in the U.S. reported that American weapons sales abroad reached $37.8 billion, or 68.4 percent of all global arms transactions. The next largest weapons supplier was Italy at $3.7 billion, less than one-tenth the U.S. amount.

According to the Project on Governmental Oversight (POGO) database on Federal Contractor Misconduct, misbehavior by unaccountable and uncontrollable suppliers of arms and hired contract personnel, the top 100 defense contractors have cost the U.S. taxpayer billions in improper, illegal, and unaccounted expenditures.

The Commission on Wartime Contracting (CWC) released a "Special Report on Contractor Business Systems" exposing failures of Defense Department oversight of contractor business systems to prevent egregious "waste, fraud, and abuse" on a scale tantamount to "hemorrhaging."

Right now, taxpayers are vulnerable: the government can't effectively audit those systems and detect contractor errors, omissions, misstatements, and unsupported, unallowable, or unreasonable costs. As stated in the report, the CWC found in an August hearing that "unreliable data from business systems produced billions of dollars in contingency-contract costs that government auditors often could not verify."





Here are some of the more outrageous financial losses to the public treasury attributed to unmonitored corporations receiving government military contracts (since 1995). From a list of the top 100 contractors (instances of misconduct and dollars misappropriated or unaccounted for):

Lockheed Martin: (50 instances of misconduct), $577.2 million. Boeing (31 instances of misconduct), $1561.4 million. Northrop Grumman (27 instances of misconduct), $790.4 million McKesson (8 instances of misconduct), $1356.7 million Merck & Co. (10 instances of misconduct), $5834.7 million.
GlaxoSmithKline (16 instances of misconduct), $4280.7 million. In all there were 678 instances of misconduct run up by the 100 top contractors for a total wasted dollars in the amount of more than $26 billion (26126.8 million).

And then there is the military itself in its newer privatized guise. In Afghanistan and Iraq an estimated 180,000 private contractors employed by private for-profit corporations such as Blackwater/Xe are increasingly taking the place of members of our nation's own armed forces.

According to the Congressional Research Service, as of March of this year, contractors made up 57 percent of the Pentagon's force in Afghanistan and total 65 percent if the past two years are averaged in. Congress appropriated $106 billion for contractors, earning salaries that are often triple or quadruple those of an American soldier or Marine, in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2003 to through the first half of 2008.

While as of March 31 there were still more uniformed military personnel - 282,000 - than contractors - 242,657 - it is not hard to imagine if the trend continues a future in which an American force will be sent into battle without swearing an oath to defend the U.S. Constitution and subordinate to the authority, not of an elected U.S. commander-in-chief, but to the dictates of their respective private corporations' CEOs.



One of the jewels in the crown of the new "let business do it" system of outsourcing public functions to private corporations is prison management. Private for-profit companies are increasingly running America’s prisons.

The Corrections Corporation of America, far and away the leading private corporation in the fast-growing incarceration industry known as "The Prison-Industrial Complex," operates a total of 65 facilities including 41 that it owns, and a total of 78,000 beds in 19 states and Washington D.C.

For 2007, CCA reported total revenues of $1 billion-478 million and profits of $266.3 million, an 18.4% increase over 2006. The net profit for that time period was $133.4 million, a 26.7% increase over 2006.

When the dynamic of profit is allowed to enter into the field of incarceration, incentive is created to maximize the number of arrests and length of sentencing, a Pandora's Box opening the way to corruption of the justice system, what George Monbiot calls "the revolting trade in human lives." He was commenting on reports in the Wall Street Journal of guaranteed payments of public funds to private jails for a set number of inmates regardless of the number of cells that are full or empty, and of inducements to judges to counter declining crime rates by handing down disproportionate sentences just to keep jail cells full (and prison management companies’ books in the black).

So it is that vital functions of government such as arms manufacture, prisons, and the waging of war are increasingly being handed over to private corporations to be run for-profit.

So what is wrong with that? What is wrong with outsourcing government functions if private corporations can do a job more efficiently and cost-effectively than government itself?

What's wrong is that when corporations that operate for the purpose of maximizing profits perform functions on behalf of or as "partners" of elected government, policy is put at the service of profit and contracts between political entities and partnering corporations are necessarily filled regardless of changed circumstances such as diminished need or budgets.

When the dynamic that drives the system is privatization, gratuitous wars are waged at wantonly padded expense, prisoner remediation vanishes and jails are stuffed to the gills by judges handing down inordinately extended sentences, medical insurers nickel and dime over coverage, and children are marched off to low-budget and non-union charter schools in desolate and abandoned shopping plazas and vacant industrial facilities for the sole purpose of making profit on investment and of maximizing profit yield for corporate investor
s.


Public School Districts Under Siege


The next frontier for privatization is education





As with military manufacture, military contracting, and prison management, the federal government's education agenda under the leadership of Sec. of Education Arne Duncan is dead set on a policy of transferring the administration of public schools to private businesses. The Secretary has given evidence that his chosen means for accomplishing this handover is through putting mayors at the helm of entire (mainly urban) school systems, allowing them to replace elected school boards with appointed councils of businessmen and retired military that then go on to bring in for-profit corporations to manage the schools, drawing on budgeted money previously intended for public systems.

Duncan’s Race To The Top, a strategy of having states compete in a horse race for funds for education reform, makes clear that only states making concrete efforts toward privatization will get the coveted funds. These efforts would have to include “fostering the growth of charter schools” plus taking steps to replace teacher tenure with procedures to make employment conditional on student test results, i.e. making both teacher retainment and the continued existence of the schools they teach in as public rather than private entities conditional on performance measurement as in the world of business.

In these initiatives Duncan has set for himself the roles of midwife, epigone, and chief factotum for the privatization doctrines first laid out by the “father of modern school reform,” fellow-Chicago luminary Milton Friedman in a 1955 essay that he later incorporated into his landmark book Capitalism and Freedom in 1962. Friedman called for a wholesale “denationalization” of public education: instead of public funds going to school systems parents would receive vouchers on these funds to pay for “educational services” for their children at for-profit and not-for-profit schools that would be operated by entrepreneurs and managers who’d be free to set teacher compensations as low as a dog-eat-dog market for teaching jobs would bear. Government’s role would be reduced to “insuring that . . . schools met certain minimum standards, such as the inclusion of a minimum common content in their programs, much as it now inspects restaurants to insure that they maintain minimum sanitary standards.”





In true survival-of-the-fittest purism, Friedman believed that parents should, if they decide to have children, be prepared to pay for their education.

In a prescient prophesy of the state of education today, Friedman depicted that the downfall of public schooling would be smoothly accomplished by being brought in in a piecemeal fashion, with the mushrooming privatized sector coexisting with the shrinking and declining public sector for a transitionary period of time. “Since governmental units . . . would continue to administer schools, the transition would be gradual and easy.” An educational regime change would be accomplished before people realized it had happened.


Though at present only 20 states have established vouchers-type subsidies for private schools, Friedman smelled victory for his idea of free-market education reform in an interview conducted for Reason Magazine in 2005 on the 50th anniversary of his 1955 vouchers essay, and two years prior to his death, stressing as proof that the tide has turned in privatization’s favor the capitulation of the teachers unions. Their “dam is buckling,” he waxed proudly, “and will shortly break . . . The basis of the National Education Association's and the American Federation of Teachers' power is crumbling.

At present, the privatization process, with its union-disabling subtext, is being promoted to the public as a rescue effort to “turn around” schools in impoverished and struggling urban neighborhoods, ASAP. States are being pressed, as in Wisconsin, to give mayors of major urban centers powers to effect the same transformation Duncan presided over in Chicago, where mayoral control under Richard Daley Jr. has existed since 1995 and where Duncan made a name for himself by closing 75 schools and replacing them with smaller, business-run schools shorn of union contracts and community governance.

Regardless of whether the Chicago experience actually produced the improved academic performance that was claimed, regardless of the toll on communities and the enormous number of families who found themselves without local schools for their children to attend, Chicago and mayoral takeover are being sold to the legislators of states like Wisconsin whose suburban and rural constituents can be counted on to back quick and drastic solutions to the schools of those “Warsaw Ghettoes” that their larger cities have become in their eyes and that many of them will never see or so much as drive through.

In this way, state adoption of mayoral control for just the main urban school districts is used as a wedge and foot in the door for what American business and the foundations that speak for them hope will be the privatization of all of American education. For when mayors need management for the schools that have been put under their direction, they make appointments from the business community and/or turn to ready-made education management corporations that are there waiting for their call. 



Why should what works for the urban schools not work for suburban, small-city, and rural schools? The precedent has been established for America to be left, in education as in healthcare without a “public option.”

In other words, education privatization is not just about mayors “turning around” underperforming urban districts. It’s about opening, ultimately, the whole education sector to for-profit management. However, first the public has to be sold on the need for “turn around.” First the public has to be whipped into a frenzy over a crisis in the schools, that is, the urban schools, a crisis requiring urgent “reform.” And then in the name of reform, the way is paved for business to be brought in on a white horse as reformers.




In the guise of reformers, celebrity tycoons from the world of business, opportunistic social advocacy personalities, and ambitious officials seeking to make a name for themselves as advocates for corporate interests have been the leading players in the new world of investment and career opportunity in privatized education.

Regardless of having no professional training as pedagogues or published works or other credentials as education theorists, researchers, or analysts, barons of finance for no discernible reason other than their Brobignagian wealth have been elevated to the status of venerated education mavens and saviors of our children's futures.

Prominent in this category are entrepreneurs like Microsoft's Bill Gates who, notwithstanding his record of epic business success, happens to have dropped out of college (Harvard) in his sophomore year rather than go to the top of the educational stepladder that is held out as model and paradigm for America’s schoolchildren. Secretary Duncan, an administrator whose advancement came from endearing himself to Chicago’s corporate community by his policy of shutting down public schools and opening charter schools, has no hands-on experience as an educator other than a period of time spent working in his mother’s tutoring school. Charter school minority advocate Al Sharpton, whose "action organization" has been the beneficiary of generous residuals he has received for his public appearances at the White House and around the country in support of opening charter schools that would supposedly put minority children on a college prep track, himself dropped out of Brooklyn College in his sophomore year.

Two illustrious business names who have been ceded a national megaphone on the subject of education in spite of having zero credentials in education are former financier Michael Milken and real estate-nursing home entrepreneur Eli Broad.

As is now all but forgiven and forgotten, Milken parlayed a career of reaping high returns from low-yield junk bonds, and from buyouts that created almost a one-man recession by throwing whole workforces of “bought” companies out on the streets, into a fortune that has made him, today, the 458th richest man in the world. Still his only experience as an educator came in three years of community service teaching math to minorities in Los Angeles in fulfillment of a ten year sentence for securities and financial reporting felonies of which he served 22 months in federal prison.

By 1999, only three years following his release from prison, Milken had amassed an empire of companies catering to every possible facet of the education industry that looked as though it might someday rival his former scale of operations as a financier. Today he heads a foundation purporting to set the standard for the training of quality K-12 teachers, all armed with math skills and fluent in the use of computer technology, and dispensing money incentives for recruitment of teacher talent. Yet other than the conferences his foundation sponsors for the purpose of affirming the superiority of private to public education, there is no evidence either in public utterance or on the printed page that this towering Colossus of the age of education profit seeking that is upon us has a holistic educational philosophy of how one actually inspires a young person to want to read, study, and achieve.






Eli Broad, who rose from the status of 19 year old prodigy in the field of accounting (“the youngest in Michigan history”) to founder one of the nation’s biggest networks of assisted care facilities, has devoted a significant portion of the $5.8 billion net worth that has made him number 42 on the list of 400 richest Americans to the cause of totally privatizing American education.

To this end Broad has contributed $10.5 million in startup funds to the Green Dot charter schools network in Los Angeles and in 1999 he and his wife Edythe joined the ranks of family foundation scions Bill & Melinda Gates and Michael and Lowell Milken with their founding of the Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation. A flagship program of the foundation is the Broad Superintendents Academy that identifies and trains, executives with experience of leading large organizations for service as administrators, and even places them, in urban school districts. But is there any evidence either in public utterance or on the printed page that beyond his credo that American education needs to be run more “like a business” this indisputably wealthy and successful individual has a conceptual clue about how to cultivate and motivate the mind of a child?

These may be what used to be called Captains of Industry (and Finance), they may be builders of unparalleled monopolies in the fields of software, finance, real estate, insurance, etc. — world straddling economic players in the mold of the (for a time) successful businessman that Theodore Dreiser portrayed in The Financier and The Titan — but they do not fit the profile of “educators.” As far as education is concerned, they are “barbarians at the gates,” untrained and uncouth in the arts of shaping the lives and intellects of children. Yet here they are, the nation's prime movers in the raging battle to replace public education with a system in which the schools are outsourced to for-profit businesses, businesses that are not accountable to government financial oversight and free from union contracting that protects the job security of teachers.

Do American parents want schools to be run like businesses and their children to be treated as employees? Will they accept the idea of delivering their children into the hands of specialists in financial deal-making and cutthroat competition, who may or may not have completed college themselves and who view students strictly as “human capital” to be schooled in skills narrowly tailored to niches in today’s ever-so-transient corporate job market?

Do they want education to be made over in the model of privatized industries like military manufacture, military contracting, and prison management, industries that have taken advantage of the less-government, anti-oversight policies of federal administrations of the past three decades to pile up a record of fraud and financial abuse unmatched by any era in American history?

Or are parents, in step with the growing opposition to privatization and outsourcing that is being seen all over the internet, getting a little tired and put off by the endless blizzard of promotion for “education reform” as the panacea for all that ails our economy, job market, and society, and, as Todd Price will show is happening in Milwaukee, starting to line up behind their public schools once again?

Click here to read Todd Alan Price's essay "Milwaukee League Comes To The Defense of Public Schools."

---------------------------

Geoff Berne writes from Hamilton, Ohio, where the No Child Left Behind Act was signed into law in 2002. He was co-producer with Todd Price and Karen Chin of the 2004 video "Public Education in the Crosshairs" and in the 1990s was a member of the Ohio coalition Citizens Against Vouchers.






Saturday, December 05, 2009

Fred Hampton Remembered...


Hampton portrait
Here are a few comments about Fred Hampton- that great 21 year-old Chicago Black Panther who was riddled with cop bullets while drugged by a COINTEL negro snitch and in bed with his pregnant wife....
Thanks, Don  -- and Sam -- for circulating this timely reminder (to those who were around at the time) and history lesson (to those too young to have known about this, and would probably never learn otherwise).

FROM Brotha Dinizulu:

So much needs to be done to set the record straight and provide some real truth about the Black Panther Party, which was, among many other things, an incubator for brilliant minds and leaders like Fred Hampton, and Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, who were also assassinated (although not directly by the police).  The  truth also needs to be known about COINTELPRO and the era of naked brutal represssion that included other shoot-ins of Panther facilities, such as the one in Los Angeles, by the Police, and raids such as the one staged by Rizzo in Philadelphia.  These actions both encouraged and were encouraged by a mentality, under Nixon, that said it was OK to suspend the Constitution, and even spread to Canada, where pre-dawn raids without warrants on the homes of Quebec Independence activists were praised by Nixon, as was then-NY-Governor Rockefeller's brutal response to the rebellion at Attica prison, which was motivated by very reasonable and humane demands.  (It did not fully escape notice that the 30th anniversary of that event would very likely have been the front-page news in New York, had other events not intervened on that date, September 11, 2001.  That date, it might also be noted, is etched in the memory of the Rasta community, as the anniversary of the murder of Peter Tosh and others in a home invasion, and has been widely remembered throughout Latin America as the anniversary of the overthrow and assassination of Salvador Allende in Chile.) 

As valuable as this article in remembrance of Fred Hampton is, it does seem, to me, to give undue emphasis to the alleged Marxist-Leninist and Socialist stance of the BPP.  To be sure, the Party was more aware of, and committed to, the need for trans-cultural and multi-ethnic class struggle, as opposed to, say, the "nationalist" positions of such groups as Karenga's US Organization (whose members carried out the hit on Carter and Huggins on the UCLA campus).  And the Party simply carried out such "Socialist" programs as the Children's breakfasts (notably "with real orange juice, not 'orange drink,' " as a sign of being serious and caring) and the People's Free Health Clinics, which I still believe was the real catalyst for the establishment of Community Health Centers that still operate today.  (I am on the board of one.)  The point here is that the Party seemed to me to be much more about action than labels. 

It began in earnest, as we all know, with young Black men "picking up the gun" and patrolling the police, posing the same threat of deadly force to them that they posed to the community on a daily basis. This was not an action motivated by Marxist-Leninist ideology, but by necessity, although it is also true that the BPP members did diligently study "dialectical materialism" and Marxist philosophy, in much the same way as a lot of people at that time, in a quest to cut through lies and mindless pro-capitalist propaganda that certainly did not meet the intellectual requirements of a younger generation which had faced down Jim Crow segregation and was confronting the costly and painful reality of an immoral war. 

I recall that this was a point that also came to light the year that Rigoberta Menchu won the Nobel Peace Prize, as it came to light that a more truthful understanding of these armed struggles in Latin America was very much needed.  What might be routinely labeled in the news media as "Marxist" rebels in this or that country, or portrayed as some kind of uprising against established government was often something much simpler, like villagers determining that, regardless of the consequences, they were not going to tolerate soldiers entering their town and raping one more girl while they stand by powerlessly.  The inevitable ensuing conflict and combat might be portrayed in the press as "anti-government forces" with some kind of "Socialist" agenda, which may be true in a de-facto way, but it is a misrepresentation which only serves the purpose of the propagandists.  In reality, it is nothing more (or less) than a real revolution, in the literal sense, wherein people stand up to oppression, seize power over their destiny, and, by necessity, have to remain committed to that stance, defending it against all future attempts to re-enslave them.

Reading this article on Fred Hampton, I get that same feeling that the portrayal of the BPP as an organization committed to anti-capitalist and socialist agendas, as opposed to being committed to simple social justice, regardless of label, does some disservice to his memory.  Don, your introductory comment, portraying the young man as a genuinely serious  activist, willing to learn, probably provides a better picture of who he was than what I am reading as an overemphasis on established, Eurocentric (be it noted) ideologies.  (At its worst, this kind of portrayal of Black social reality buys right into those racist myths that we somehow can't think for ourselves but need to be motivated by other people's ideas, much like J. Edgar Hoover's insistence that Dr. M.L. King was either an outright "Communist" or was being "duped" by Communists, as if it took some whitefolks in Moscow to tell him that he and the rest of the African American population was being oppressed.  Otherwise, we would never either think or know any such thing.)

Although I am focusing most of my comments on this aspect of the article, it is a relatively small criticism in comparison to the great value of reminding us all of one of our brightest and best, who was cut down too soon (along with his wife, not to be forgotten), by the same old forces of fear, greed, ignorance and hate.  (They, too, can try to hide behind an ideological label to pretend to be legitimate, but the truth is the truth.)  Actually, one of the most moving pieces I ever read about Fred Hampton's assassination was by Rosemari Mealy, in The Crisis magazine.  That too would make a very valuable contribution to our remembrance of Fred Hampton and what he meant to the world, literally, not just African America.

Thanks again Brothas, for sharing this.  I will spread it as well.

Best all ways,

Dinizulu
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On Fri, Dec 4, 2009 at 3:34 PM, <Dohugh@aol.com> wrote:


In 1967 I gave the keynote address for the State of Ilinois NAACP annual convention at Peoria. Upon conclusion, a young man came up and introduced himself as the head of the youth division of the NAACP. He asked me if I thought Malcolm X was more important to our struggle than Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

My answer to Fred Hampton was that both were equally important.
Donald H. Smith

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Fred Hampton Remembered
Friday, December 4, 2009
By: Carlito Rovira


Despite a life cut short, young Black Panther left behind a rich legacy of struggle

The wave of repression unleashed on the Black liberation movement in the 1960s and 1970s by the FBI’s “Operation COINTELPRO” reached its height with a series of murderous attacks on the Black Panther Party. One of the most horrendous episodes of this onslaught took place 40 years ago. On Dec. 4, 1969, Black Panther Party leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark were assassinated by police.

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In a coordinated effort between the Illinois State Attorney’s Office, Cook County Police Department, the Chicago Police Department and the FBI, a heavily armed assault was launched in the early morning hours on Fred Hampton’s residence. With a vicious sense of racist hatred and no regard for human life, the police fired their weapons at will at the wall separating the hallway from the apartment. The two revolutionaries were killed
In the days that followed, law enforcement officials were quick to reinvent the facts. They claimed that the occupants of the apartment fired guns at police. Their story never held water. Evidence gathered from the forensic investigation and other inquiries pointed exclusively to police savagery in the attack.

The shaping of a leader

Hampton’s life was brief, but was rich in struggle.


Hampton was born in Chicago on Aug. 30, 1948. His parents originated from Hayneville, La., where sharecropping and racial injustice were common. His great-grandparents had worked on a plantation in that region under the horrors of slavery.


Like millions of African Americans, Hampton’s parents left the South during the Great Migration of the 1930s to look for a better life and flee the constant threat of racist terror. They settled in Maywood, Ill., a suburb of Chicago where they worked at the Argo Starch Company.


An event that likely affected the young Fred Hampton, much as it affected most of Chicago’s Black community, was the 1955 gruesome lynching of Emmett Till. The 14-year-old Till was visiting family in Mississippi when he was abducted and killed for allegedly whistling at a white woman. Till was the son of family friends and neighbors of the Hamptons.


Hampton was attracted to books, and took it upon himself to read the speeches and writings of Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, Joan Elbert, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X and others. He gained a reputation for his knowledge of Black history and began to sense the need for struggle.


As a student at Proviso East High School, he noticed that most of the students who failed were Black. Hampton began to speak out against the school administration for not providing tutoring and remedial programs for students. He was also critical of the fact that the faculty and administration were all white when one-fourth of the student body was Black.


Hampton challenged the school’s exclusive racist practice of nominating only white girls to compete for “Miss Homecoming Queen.” He organized a protest, walk-out and school boycott. As a result, the following year Black female students were included in this contest.


Fred Hampton was respected by white and Black students alike. The year after he graduated from Proviso East, a school administrator requested his help to calm racial tensions among students.


At Triton Junior College, he studied law as a defense against police brutality aimed at the Black community. He joined the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and became the leader of its youth council at the West Suburban branch, galvanizing a membership of 500.


While Hampton was in the NAACP, the Black Panther Party was opening chapters across the country and becoming a prominent force in the Black liberation struggle. Hampton began to absorb and understand the revolutionary content of the Panthers’ political perspective, and joined. He soon demonstrated his leadership abilities and became deputy chairman of the party’s Illinois chapter.


His disposition and skills as a speaker earned Hampton a moral authority. His political achievements included brokering peace with the supposed “street gangs” of Chicago, amongst them the Puerto Rican group the Young Lords. Hampton was instrumental in transforming the Young Lords into a revolutionary political organization.


Hampton valued the need for a multinational revolutionary struggle, and organized the original Rainbow Coalition comprised of the I Wor Kuen of the Asian community, the Brown Berets of the Mexican community, the poor white workers of the Young Patriots, the Young Lords and the Black Panthers. The Black Panther Party set standards for waging struggle. Their enthusiastic projection of socialism allowed many to envision its relevance to African Americans and other oppressed nationalities.


The white, racist U.S. ruling class was appalled. How dare the descendents of African slaves call themselves socialists and aim to achieve Black people’s right to reparations! Even more daring was the Black Panther Party’s call for the overthrow of capitalism—a demand the ruling class could never tolerate. Their ability to forge unity in struggle was a threat in itself.


All this was happening while resentment for the war in Vietnam was on the rise. The men of privilege and wealth, with a stake in preserving the imperialist system, grew apprehensive the more it became apparent that a mass revolutionary movement was arising.


These circumstances compelled the government to destroy the Black Panther Party.


'The greatest threat to national security'

Operation COINTELPRO, an acronym for Counter Intelligence Program, was established in the mid-1950s to deter the development of any movement deemed a threat to the existing social, economic and political order. It remained secret until 1971, when anti-repression activists broke into an FBI field office in Media, Penn., and confiscated files revealing the hidden operation.


As the Civil Rights movement advanced—galvanizing strength from all sectors of the population, breaking the despicable Jim Crow laws and compelling the U.S. Congress to pass other progressive legislation—the FBI increasingly turned its attention to the Black liberation struggle.


The Black Panther Party openly advocated for socialist revolution, and openly supported the Chinese and Cuban revolutions. The Panthers’ breakfast program for children, among other social programs, underlined their commitment to meet the needs of communities that received nothing but oppression and neglect from the government.


The staunch anti-capitalist stance of these young revolutionaries who declared themselves Marxist-Leninists made them the target of the most ruthless, racist elements in power. On numerous occasions, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover expressed a special disdain for the Black struggle, particularly towards Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X. Many were not surprised when Hoover declared the Black Panther Party “the greatest threat to national security.”


The slanderous editorials against the Panthers in the capitalist-owned mass media, combined with Hoover’s frequent verbal attacks, reflected the wishes of the ruling class who sought the complete destruction of the Black Panther Party and the ideals it embodied. Internal FBI memos show that the government had a special interest in Hampton’s political activities and his associations; Chicago police were encouraged by the FBI to find a way to lock up Hampton.


Prior to Hampton’s death, police raided the Panthers’ Chicago office on three separate occasions. William O’Neal, Fred Hampton’s bodyguard, was a police informant who was instructed to draw up a floor plan of the targeted apartment weeks earlier. Law enforcement used the information gathered by O’Neal to murder Hampton.


Hampton’s murder was part of a pattern of police raids, false imprisonment and executions of Black Panthers. COINTELPRO documents proved that assassination of Black leaders was among its aims. Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party had to be eliminated simply because they had touched upon capitalism’s greatest weakness—the decisiveness and strength that a multi-national movement has in a battle against this system.


The Black Panther Party arose from the struggles of the African American people, historically the most oppressed and exploited group in the United States. They symbolized hope and received the greatest affection. They attributed Black oppression to the capitalist system, and dared to pick up arms against the state. The militancy and defiance of these young revolutionaries deeply impacted the Civil Rights and socialist movements.


Hampton and the Black Panthers believed all would benefit if the banner of the struggle against racism and national oppression was taken up by the white masses as their own. Hampton knew that it was possible to smash the racial barriers created by capitalism to divide and conquer the working class. His confidence was based on the strong belief that this system provides a motive for all to unite and engage in revolutionary struggle.


Long live the memory of Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party!


Friday, September 11, 2009

Harlem Target Store Sells Watermelon Soda
with 21st Century Pickanniny on Can




Is this Blackfolk being paranoid... or is racism live and well?

Notice the contradiction of the Sista with the "Sex & the City" T-shirt commenting on the racist nature of the soda. She's advertising a show that's not only sexist but racist also (Black and Latinos are invisible in this NYC-based show/movie!)